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Damages award stemming from project veritas project set aside by D.C. Circuit

This isn't just a legal victory for a fringe media outfit; it's a rare, high-stakes clarification of where the First Amendment draws the line between aggressive journalism and tortious fraud. In a landscape where undercover sting operations often blur ethical lines, the D.C. Circuit's decision to set aside a multi-million dollar damages award offers a crucial, if narrow, shield for publishers who rely on truthful information—even when that information was gathered through deception. Reason reports that the court ultimately ruled the "damages award cannot stand" because the plaintiff failed to prove that the unlawful conduct, rather than the protected speech, was the sole cause of his financial ruin.

The Distinction Between Deception and Trespass

The piece dissects a complex 2016 saga involving Project Veritas, where reporters infiltrated political consulting firms using elaborate false identities. The court's logic hinges on a critical distinction: while entering a private office under false pretenses is fraud, standing in a public bar and recording a conversation is not. Reason notes that the court agreed with the plaintiff, Bob Creamer, that "Maass obtained that footage by subterfuge and the jury found that her conduct amounted to fraud." Consequently, the court acknowledged that the First Amendment does not protect the specific segments of the video showing the reporter inside Democracy Partners.

Damages award stemming from project veritas project set aside by D.C. Circuit

However, the argument takes a sharp turn when addressing the bulk of the footage. The piece highlights that most of the damaging content came from public interactions with another consultant, Scott Foval. "There was no eavesdropping on a private conversation; the [Project Veritas reporters] recorded their own conversations with [Foval]," the court found. This distinction is vital because it separates the method of gathering news from the act of publishing it. The court reasoned that even if the reporters lied to get the meeting, the public nature of the bar meant no established rights were invaded during those specific recordings.

The First Amendment does not require a journalist "to wear kid gloves," but a press badge is not a license to break the law.

This framing effectively isolates the legal liability. By admitting the fraud in the office infiltration while protecting the public bar conversations, the court avoids a broad ruling that would either criminalize undercover reporting or grant immunity to all journalistic misconduct. Critics might argue that this creates a confusing precedent where the legality of a broadcast depends on the specific location of a recording, potentially chilling investigative work that requires access to private spaces. Yet, the court's refusal to let the fraud taint the entire publication suggests a robust defense of the public's right to know, provided the core information wasn't stolen.

The Causation Problem

The most striking part of the coverage is how the court dismantled the link between the fraud and the damages. The plaintiff, Creamer, lost major contracts with the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees (AFSCME) and Americans United for Change (AUFC) after the video went viral. Reason reports that the court found the "video in itself" was the "critical factor" driving these cancellations, not the specific footage of the reporter inside the office.

AFSCME's government affairs director testified that the "optics of the video" and the timing just before a presidential election created a "sense of scandal" that the union could not ignore. The court applied a strict standard from NAACP v. Claiborne Hardware Co. (1982), requiring the plaintiff to prove that the unprotected conduct was the "sole, pervasive, or dominant force" behind the harm. The piece argues that since the scandalous narrative was driven largely by the public bar recordings, the fraud was merely a "contributing factor," not the proximate cause.

Because the vast share of the video's contents was lawfully obtained—and any injury caused by this content was to Creamer's reputation—the First Amendment prohibited Creamer from recovering damages "caused by [its] publication."

This is a profound limitation on tort law in the age of viral media. It suggests that if a story is newsworthy and mostly truthful, a plaintiff cannot recover damages simply because a small, illegal part of the reporting process was included. The court essentially ruled that the "scandalizing news story" was protected speech, and the financial fallout was a consequence of that speech, not the fraud. A counterargument worth considering is whether this incentivizes media organizations to include minor illegal acts in their reporting, banking on the fact that the public will focus on the sensational narrative rather than the technical illegality of the acquisition.

The Dissent and the Path Forward

The coverage also highlights a nuanced partial dissent by Judge Robert Wilkins, who argued that while the damages should be reduced, the liability for fraud should remain. Wilkins suggested remitting the award to a nominal amount rather than setting it aside entirely, a move that would have affirmed the tortious nature of the infiltration without fully shielding the publisher from the consequences of their actions. Reason notes that the majority rejected this, prioritizing the First Amendment's protection of the publication over the strict application of state tort law.

This decision echoes the historical context of Project Veritas's operations, which have long relied on the tension between the public's right to know and the privacy rights of the subjects. As the piece observes, the court's ruling ensures that "no matter how newsworthy the story, published information must always 'have been lawfully acquired,'" but it simultaneously clarifies that the definition of "lawfully acquired" is far more forgiving for public interactions than for private intrusions.

The cleanest way for AFSCME to separate itself from the story unfolding around the video was to fire Creamer.

Bottom Line

The strongest part of this argument is its refusal to let a technical violation of trespass or fraud nullify the public interest value of a largely truthful investigation. The biggest vulnerability lies in the difficulty of separating the "fruit of the poisonous tree" in a viral media environment where context is often lost. Readers should watch for how lower courts apply this "sole cause" standard in future cases where illegal gathering methods are inextricably linked to the public's reaction to the story.

Deep Dives

Explore these related deep dives:

  • Entrapment

    Understanding the legal distinction between government agents inducing a crime versus merely providing an opportunity is crucial to evaluating why Project Veritas's undercover tactics were legally permissible in this civil case despite the fabricated scheme.

  • Sting operation

    While often associated with law enforcement, this article illustrates how the mechanics of a sting—specifically the use of fictitious personas and elaborate backstories to elicit incriminating statements—are adapted by private media organizations for investigative journalism.

  • James O'Keefe

    This specific D.C. Circuit ruling overturned a $10 million jury verdict by establishing that Project Veritas's deceptive methods did not violate Wisconsin's wiretapping laws because the recordings were made in a public bar where there was no reasonable expectation of privacy.

Sources

Damages award stemming from project veritas project set aside by D.C. Circuit

by Various · Reason · Read full article

From today's long decision in Democracy Partners, LLC v. O'Keefe by D.C. Circuit Judge Karen LeCraft Henderson, joined by Judge Harry Edwards:

James O'Keefe is the Founder and former CEO of Project Veritas, a non-profit media organization that gathers news "almost exclusively [through] undercover journalism" … [including] "open and secret audiovisual recording" ….

In spring 2016, Project Veritas assigned one of its investigative reporters, Christian Hartsock, to find leads on a potential story about voter fraud schemes in the Wisconsin elections. Acting undercover, Hartsock infiltrated an election-watch party at a Milwaukee bar, where he met Scott Foval, a Democratic political consultant.

Using a fake name and backstory, Hartsock convinced Foval that he worked for a fictitious political consultant group and that one of his clients was a "progressive philanthropist [with] a deep disdain for voter ID laws." Hartsock told Foval that he was working on a "surrogate voter scheme[]," in which his client planned to open a shell company in Wisconsin, hire out-of-state voters and illegal immigrants and issue them employer-IDs that would allow them to vote fraudulently in Wisconsin's elections.

Foval thought Hartsock's scheme was "brilliant" and volunteered "all this advice" on "how to pull it off." He advised Hartsock to transport fraudulent voters to polling places with rentals or auctioned-off cars and he recommended expanding operations to Michigan and Illinois. Foval also suspected that Hartsock's unnamed client (who did not, in fact, exist) was receiving advice on the voter fraud scheme from Bob Creamer, a Democratic consultant in D.C.

Foval claimed that he "worked with Bob Creamer one-to-one all the time" and that Creamer was "somebody who hatches these ideas to people" on an "ongoing basis." "One of the things we do," Foval told Hartsock, is "stage very authentic" protests at Republican rallying events using trained locals and "get them[] into a situation on tape … that we can use later." Hartsock secretly recorded his entire conversation with Foval.

After the barroom conversation with Foval, Project Veritas turned its investigation to Creamer. Posing again as the fake consultant character, Hartsock persuaded Foval to arrange a meeting between Creamer and Hartsock's fake client, a role played by Daniel Sandini—another Project Veritas reporter. According to an internal Project Veritas memo, a main goal of the meeting was to convince Creamer to advise Sandini on the fictitious voter fraud scheme. A secondary objective was to uncover more information about the staged ...