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Sues himself; wants $10 billion payout

Devin Stone, the legal analyst behind LegalEagle, dissects a lawsuit so bizarre it feels like satire: Donald Trump suing the Internal Revenue Service for $10 billion over a leak of his own tax returns. What makes this coverage essential is not just the absurdity of the claim, but Stone's forensic breakdown of how a criminal leak by a contractor spiraled into a civil battle that exposes the messy intersection of sovereign immunity, data security, and political theater.

The Mechanics of the Leak

Stone begins by grounding the reader in the reality of the crime, stripping away the political noise to focus on the facts. He introduces Charles Little John, an IT specialist for the consulting firm Booz Allen Hamilton who worked as a government contractor for the IRS. "Little John was a government contractor tasked with providing technical support to maintain the data pipeline used to store and monitor Americans tax information," Stone explains. The author clarifies that while Little John's motivations—exposing tax avoidance by the wealthy—might resonate with some, his actions were unequivocally criminal. He uploaded over 400,000 tax returns to a private website, providing the New York Times and ProPublica with the raw data that fueled years of reporting on the ultra-wealthy.

Sues himself; wants $10 billion payout

The commentary effectively highlights the inevitability of the leak's discovery. Stone notes, "The IRS's internal systems log every keystroke and record who accessed which documents." This detail is crucial; it underscores that the government's surveillance of its own employees is robust, even if the external security was not. Little John eventually pleaded guilty to a single felony count, a decision Stone frames as a strategic trade-off: "If you plead out, you trade your right to go to trial and maybe get acquitted for the certainty of a lower charge." The resulting five-year sentence, far above the standard ten months, reflects the severity of the breach, yet it also sets the stage for the civil fallout.

"The reports by ProPublica in the Times were deeply embarrassing for the rich people targeted. But there's a reason that this kind of leak doesn't happen that often, and that's because it's virtually certain that the leaker will get caught."

Critics might argue that focusing on the leaker's guilt distracts from the systemic failures that allowed the data to be exfiltrated in the first place. Stone acknowledges this tension but maintains that the legal path forward is constrained by the specific statutes involved.

The Sovereign Immunity Hurdle

The piece then pivots to the legal doctrine that usually shields the government: sovereign immunity. Stone explains that the government generally cannot be sued unless it consents, but in this specific instance, Congress has provided a waiver. He points to two specific statutes, 26 U.S.C. section 7431 and the Privacy Act, which authorize civil suits for the wrongful disclosure of taxpayer information. "Both 26 US code section 7431 and 5 US code section 552A, better known as the Privacy Act, authorized civil suits for the wrongful disclosure of taxpayer information," Stone writes.

However, the author notes a strange silence from most of the victims. While thousands of returns were leaked, very few wealthy individuals sued. Stone speculates that the embarrassment of having their tax avoidance strategies exposed made them reluctant to litigate. "Demanding taxpayer money because you were harmed by a leak that showed how little you pay in taxes is kind of a bad look," he observes. This is a sharp, cynical insight that adds depth to the legal analysis. Only two billionaires, Ken Griffin and Kelsey Warren, took action. Griffin's case against the IRS settled for zero dollars and a public apology, a precedent that complicates Trump's current ambitions.

The author contrasts Griffin's legal strategy with Trump's. Griffin's lawyers sought regulatory reform, which the court rejected, while Trump's team, led by attorney Alejandro Bridto, is demanding a staggering $10 billion. Stone notes that Bridto's filing is "less ridiculous than Bridto's usual output and lots less inflammatory," likely because it was modeled on Griffin's earlier, more competent briefs. Yet, the core of Trump's argument remains legally fragile.

The Flaw in the Damages Calculation

The most critical part of Stone's commentary is his dissection of how Trump is calculating damages. The lawsuit claims that every view of the leaked tax return constitutes a separate violation, leading to a multiplier effect that results in billions of dollars. Stone dismantles this logic by returning to the statute. "The victim is entitled to the greater of $1,000 per disclosure or the actual damages sustained by the plaintiff," he quotes. The flaw, Stone argues, is the lack of "actual damages."

Trump's complaint alleges reputational harm and financial injury stemming from the media coverage, but Stone points out that this is a non-starter. "The claim here is that reporters took Trump's true returns and wrote false stories about him and that's all the IRS's fault, which is I mean, it's a bold strategy," Stone writes. He further notes that the lawsuit attempts to claim damages for a state prosecution brought by the New York Attorney General, a theory Stone dismisses as legally untenable: "And there's no court in the land that's going to award damages on a theory of you leaked my federal tax returns and that allowed a state prosecutor to charge me with fraud."

The author's analysis here is particularly strong because it separates the emotional outrage of the leak from the cold mechanics of tort law. He highlights that previous courts have already ruled that mere embarrassment or the unpleasantness of having one's private business exposed does not constitute monetary harm under the Privacy Act. "Judge Skola dismissed Griffin's privacy act claim for failure to state actual damages," Stone reminds the reader, noting that Trump's filing largely ignores this precedent.

"The claim here is that reporters took Trump's true returns and wrote false stories about him and that's all the IRS's fault, which is I mean, it's a bold strategy."

A counterargument worth considering is whether the sheer scale of the leak—400,000 returns—creates a unique precedent for damages that previous, smaller cases did not. However, Stone's reading of the statute suggests that the number of views does not automatically translate to compensable damages without proof of specific economic loss.

Bottom Line

Devin Stone's coverage succeeds by treating a seemingly absurd lawsuit with serious legal scrutiny, revealing that while Trump's filing is less chaotic than his usual legal maneuvers, it still rests on a fundamental misunderstanding of damages law. The strongest part of the argument is the clear distinction between the criminal liability of the leaker and the civil liability of the government, a distinction that Trump's team seems eager to blur. The biggest vulnerability in the lawsuit is the inability to prove actual monetary harm beyond reputational embarrassment, a hurdle that previous plaintiffs have already failed to clear. Readers should watch for the court's dismissal of the damages calculation, which will likely end this chapter of the saga before it truly begins.

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Sues himself; wants $10 billion payout

by Devin Stone · LegalEagle · Watch video

Get ready to sue the world on Who's Trump Suing Today featuring star attorneys Rudy Giuliani, Sydney Pal. >> I'm going to release the Kraken >> and Alina Hubba. >> I cried the night that Saturday Night Live hit me >> and now Liz Dy. >> Welcome back to Who's Trump Suing Today?

The exciting game show where we spin the wheel to decide the next recipient of a criminal complaint signed by the president of the United States. Previous winners include the New York Times, CNN, the Washington Post, the BBC, Google, Twitter, Facebook, the Pulitzer Prize Board, New York Attorney General Leticia James, and of course, Hillary Clinton. >> Let's spin that wheel. >> Look at it go.

Will it be California Senator Adam Schiff, the Girl Scouts of America, Microsoft, or Puppies? No. No. We have a winner, and it is the Internal Revenue Service.

IRS, come on down. Look, we make fun of Donald Trump's nonsense troll suits a lot on this channel, but this one isn't totally crazy. It's not a madeup cause of action. yes, the lawsuit is completely defective.

We'll get to that. But at the center of it is an actual crime committed by a man named Charles Little John. Little John was an IT specialist who worked for the management consulting firm Boo Allen Hamilton. But his real job was at the Internal Revenue Service, better known as the IRS.

He was a government contractor tasked with providing technical support to maintain the data pipeline used to store and monitor Americans tax information. He was also a deeply thoughtful guy who believed it was unfair that wealthy people and politicians didn't have to disclose their tax returns. So he decided to do something about it and that something was crime. Now you may think what Little John did was a good thing.

You may have devoured all the articles written based on his disclosures. I know I did. But it is highly illegal for government employees to disclose tax returns. And Little John did it at scale.

He uploaded more than 400,000 returns of the wealthiest Americans to a private website and in 2019 and 2020 gave that data to the New York Times and the public interest media outlet ProPublica. ProPublica's reporting concentrated on tax avoidance schemes that enable the ultra-wealthy to functionally zero out their tax liability. And they ...