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How to let go of fear and loathing of Russia. . . With history and poetry

Jeff Rich challenges the Western intellectual establishment to abandon a decade of reflexive hostility toward Russia, arguing that the cure for this "Russia Anxiety" lies not in more geopolitical strategy, but in a radical reorientation toward history and poetry. In an era where public discourse often flattens a complex civilization into a caricature of authoritarianism, Rich offers a counter-narrative that treats Russian trauma with the same nuance applied to other historical catastrophes. This is a provocative intervention for listeners seeking to understand the deep structural forces shaping the current conflict, rather than the surface-level personality clashes dominating the news cycle.

The Burden of Memory

Rich anchors his argument in Mark B. Smith's recent work, The Russia Anxiety, using it to dismantle the idea that a society must constantly dwell on its darkest chapters to remain moral. He highlights Smith's sharp critique of the Soviet collapse, noting that "Thanks to Gorbachev," Smith argues, "the Soviet Union committed suicide by accident." Rich, however, pushes back against this fatalism, drawing on his own background in government to suggest that the collapse is better understood as a fundamental social problem rather than a simple accident. He posits that the obsession with the past can become a trap, preventing societies from moving forward.

How to let go of fear and loathing of Russia. . . With history and poetry

The author's most compelling point concerns the "Stalin Inheritance." Rich writes, "Smith poses the memory of Stalin as the most painful question for Russians to choose to remember—truly, madly or deeply—or to forget." He acknowledges the staggering human cost of the era, referencing the "Great Terror - the blood-letting of almost 700,000 innocent victims between 1936 and 1938," a period that aligns with the brutal mechanics of NKVD Order No. 00447. Yet, Rich argues that the Western demand for eternal vigilance over these crimes often ignores the psychological reality of trauma. He quotes Smith directly to support this: "But how can you make future generations feel the torment of memory when the past no longer directly threatens the present? No society really does this. And with good reason. Most of the time, it's better to think about the present and the future."

This framing is effective because it humanizes the Russian experience without excusing the atrocities. It suggests that the West's insistence on keeping the wounds of the 20th century perpetually open serves a political function rather than a moral one. However, a counterargument worth considering is that for the victims of state terror, the past is never truly "past"; the silence Rich advocates for can sometimes feel like erasure to those whose families were erased.

Societies will always forget as well as remember, and tell stories about themselves that are part truth and part fiction. That's normal. For all of us, there's no simple choice between remembering and forgetting. But there is a lifelong necessity to keep our wits about us.

Beyond the Black Legend

Rich is particularly critical of the "Black Legend" that has formed around Russia in Western media, a narrative that reduces a vast civilization to a monolith of terror. He argues that this simplification obscures the cultural richness of the nation, noting that the culture which produced Tolstoy, Pushkin, and Akhmatova has been smeared by "anti-Russian fabulists." He draws a powerful parallel between the Western view of Russia and the myth of the Firebird, stating, "The Firebird's power is obscured by the shadows projected by anti-Russian fabulists. The strange, magical feathers of the history are smeared with ashes and oily mud."

In addressing the current leadership, Rich diverges from the standard Western playbook. He suggests that to understand the current administration's actions, one must look beyond the caricatures of "Putin whisperers." He writes, "The man is still a serving President. Every year he does multiple three or four hour open conference dialogues. He is not an open book, but his own words, demeanour and shared knowledge will give you more insight into Russia today than a thousand Anglo-American 'Russia experts'." Rich frames the post-1999 era not as a descent into madness, but as a "Russian Restoration," comparing it to the Meiji Restoration in Japan. He asserts that "Putin has led Russian society through a process of restoration of that 'civilization' Mark. B. Smith has written about," rebuilding institutions despite decades of what he describes as "interference and sabotage by Western 'partners'."

This section is the most controversial, as it risks validating an authoritarian narrative by framing it as a legitimate national restoration. Critics might note that describing the consolidation of power as a "restoration" glosses over the suppression of dissent and the human cost of the current conflict in Ukraine. Yet, Rich's insistence on engaging with primary sources—listening to the leader's own words rather than filtering them through a hostile press—remains a valid methodological challenge to the echo chamber of Western analysis.

The Six Principles of Resolution

To conclude, Rich outlines six principles from Smith's book designed to cure the "malaise of fear and loathing of Russia." These include modesty about historical claims, remembering Russia's vast resources, and treating it as a "normal" country. He emphasizes that the West often fails to "Remember your own history," a point that gains weight when considering the long history of Western interventionism. Rich notes that some European leaders have recently begun to adopt at least one of these principles, suggesting a potential shift in the geopolitical climate for 2026.

He warns against the binary thinking that plagues modern discourse, where "Putin is Stalin is Ivan the Terrible." Instead, he advocates for a history that allows for empathy without absolution. He writes, "More conscientious reflection on history can rid the world of the Russia Anxiety, Russia hatred and a host of other phobias and isms. It can excite empathy that is the elixir of eternal social life." This call for empathy is the piece's emotional core, urging listeners to recognize that the "rusty arguments" of the past are no longer serving the present.

Bottom Line

Jeff Rich's commentary succeeds in reframing the "Russia Anxiety" as a failure of Western imagination rather than an inherent flaw in Russian civilization, offering a necessary corrective to the dehumanizing rhetoric that often dominates conflict reporting. While his defense of the current administration's "restoration" narrative risks minimizing the agency of those suffering under it, his broader argument—that history must be a tool for empathy rather than a weapon of perpetual grievance—remains a vital perspective for any serious student of international affairs. The strongest takeaway is the urgent need to separate the human tragedy of the past from the political utility of the present, allowing for a more nuanced understanding of a nation that refuses to be defined solely by its darkest hours.

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How to let go of fear and loathing of Russia. . . With history and poetry

by Jeff Rich · · Read full article

Russia, Russia, Russia! How can you detach from the fear and loathing of Russia that has spread virally over the last decade in the West?

My recommendation is to read Mark B. Smith, The Russia Anxiety: And How History Can Resolve It. It was the focus of the last leg of the world history tour on that controversial great power or civilization state, Russia. But I also recommend a bit of poetry.

Since I ran out of time at the end of 2025, I had to shave off two weeks from the full eight week tour. In this recap post, I make up for short-changing you, and share some highlights of my writing and discussion of Russian and Russian world (e.g. Soviet) history over the last few years.

So this essay has the following elements:

The Gorbachev Inheritance or the Long-Term Consequences of Collapse (Week 7)

The Putin Prospect or Russian Restoration After the 1990s (Week 8)

Principles of How History Can Resolve Fear and Loathing of Russia

Recap of the Russia World History Tour (Weeks 1 to 6)

Highlights of My Writing and Interviews on Russian History

And an apology to regular. I have deferred my YouTube mini-series on Gorbachev and the Soviet Collapse till the end of February. This post, however, kicks off with reflections on that topic.

This week on YouTube,

Ten History Books To Read With Me in 2026

Why We Quit Social Media

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The Gorbachev Inheritance or the Long-Term Consequences of Collapse.

Mark B. Smith, The Russia Anxiety is not kind to Mikhail Gorbachev. “Thanks to Gorbachev,” Smith released the barb, “the Soviet Union committed suicide by accident.” I am rather kinder, and perhaps more curious. Having studied suicide prevention and response as a government official, and studied my Durkheim long, long ago, it turns out suicide is one of the most fundamental problems of social thought.

So too is the Soviet Collapse one of the most fundamental problems of modern history. Smith’s penultimate chapter on the question, “Should Russians Remember the Past or Forget It” does not concern Gorbachev or Collapse, but rather the Stalin Inheritance.

The Stalin Inheritance.

In his farewell speech as President of the USSR, Mikhail Gorbachev referred to our country’s “tragic history” including the wars, revolutions, social catastrophes and the Stalin Inheritance of Terror. Smith poses the memory of Stalin as the most painful ...