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Department of war crimes

Judd Legum's latest report cuts through the fog of official rhetoric to expose a chilling reality: the U.S. military has launched a covert campaign in the Caribbean and Pacific that may have already crossed the line into war crimes. The piece is notable not just for the staggering number of lives lost—over 80 people killed since September 2—but for the specific, damning evidence that the Department of Defense is operating under an explicit order to leave no survivors, regardless of their status. For busy readers tracking the erosion of legal norms, this is the definitive account of how a shift in military philosophy is translating into lethal action on the high seas.

The Anatomy of a Strike

Legum begins by dismantling the administration's narrative that these drone strikes are precise surgical operations against known terrorists. The reality, as reported by the New York Times and highlighted by Legum, is far more ambiguous. "The military does not know the names of all the people it has killed," Legum writes, noting that strikes proceed even when the government only has "some level of confidence that drugs are on the vessels." This lack of identification is not a minor oversight; it is a fundamental failure of due process that turns every strike into a gamble with human life.

Department of war crimes

The stakes are raised dramatically when Legum turns to the September 2 incident in the Caribbean. Citing a Washington Post report, he details how Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth allegedly issued a verbal order to "leave no survivors." This directive led to a second strike on men clinging to the burning wreckage of a boat. Legum argues this action targets individuals who are "hors de combat"—a legal term for those out of the fight due to injury or surrender. "Two people, whose exact identities and potential roles in drug trafficking are unknown, clinging to wreckage in the middle of the ocean would certainly be 'hors de combat' — individuals who cannot fight back — which would make killing them a war crime," Legum asserts. The evidence here is stark: the administration is not just engaging in a gray area of law; it is allegedly committing acts that violate the Geneva Conventions and the 1996 War Crimes Act.

Two people, whose exact identities and potential roles in drug trafficking are unknown, clinging to wreckage in the middle of the ocean would certainly be 'hors de combat' — individuals who cannot fight back — which would make killing them a war crime.

Critics of the administration might argue that the fog of war makes real-time identification impossible and that cartel members rarely surrender. However, Legum points out that the order to kill survivors specifically bypasses the chaos of battle, replacing it with a calculated decision to execute the defenseless. The human cost is not abstract; it is the death of men who were already defeated, floating in the ocean.

A Philosophy of Unchecked Lethality

The most disturbing aspect of Legum's coverage is how he contextualizes these strikes not as an anomaly, but as the logical conclusion of Hegseth's long-stated worldview. Legum traces a clear line from Hegseth's 2024 book, The War on Warriors, to his current actions as Secretary of War. In the book, Hegseth questioned the utility of international law, asking, "Should we follow the Geneva Conventions? What if we treated the enemy the way they treated us?" Legum highlights Hegseth's chilling suggestion that the U.S. should consider "ripping arms off" and feeding them to hogs as a deterrent.

This rhetoric is not merely hyperbolic; it appears to be a blueprint for policy. Legum notes that during his confirmation hearings, Hegseth evaded direct questions about the Geneva Conventions, instead arguing that America should not "hand its prerogatives over to international bodies." He told military leaders to set aside "stupid rules of engagement" and embrace "maximum lethality, not tepid legality." Legum writes, "Hegseth told military leaders to ignore 'stupid rules of engagement,' which he called 'overbearing.'" This framing reveals a deliberate strategy to strip away legal constraints in favor of raw violence.

The administration's defense of these actions has been equally opaque. White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt defended the second strike as legal but provided "no details to substantiate this claim." Legum contrasts this silence with the bipartisan alarm raised by lawmakers. Senator Tim Kaine stated, "This rises to the level of a war crime if it's true," while Republican Representative Mike Turner agreed, calling it an "illegal act." The fact that members of both parties are sounding the alarm suggests that the issue transcends partisan politics and strikes at the core of American legal identity.

The Cost of "Maximum Lethality"

Legum does not shy away from the historical context of Hegseth's approach. He reminds readers that Hegseth previously lobbied for pardons for soldiers accused of war crimes in Iraq and Afghanistan, arguing they were "not war criminals, they're warriors." In a 2024 podcast, Hegseth went further, stating, "All of 'em, you stack bodies, and when it's over, then you let the dust settle and you figure out who's ahead." Legum uses this quote to illustrate a philosophy where the end result justifies any means, effectively discarding the concept of accountability.

This approach has tangible consequences. Colombia's government has reported that at least one strike killed an innocent fisherman. Legum emphasizes that even if every person killed were a trafficker, the legal authority for the Department of Defense to conduct these extrajudicial killings is highly questionable. The Justice Department's argument that drug smuggling constitutes a "non-international armed conflict" is being challenged by legal experts who doubt that smuggling rises to the level of war.

We unleash overwhelming and punishing violence on the enemy. We also don't fight with stupid rules of engagement. We untie the hands of our warfighters to intimidate, demoralize, hunt and kill the enemies of our country.

A counterargument worth considering is whether the administration believes these harsh measures are necessary to dismantle powerful cartels that have long evaded traditional law enforcement. However, Legum's reporting suggests that the cost of this "total war" approach is the erosion of the very legal principles the U.S. claims to defend. By prioritizing "maximum lethality," the executive branch risks legitimizing the same barbarism it claims to fight.

Bottom Line

Judd Legum's piece is a masterclass in connecting ideological rhetoric to lethal policy outcomes, exposing how a specific disdain for international law has manifested in the killing of non-combatants. The strongest part of the argument is the direct link between Hegseth's past writings and the specific orders given in the September 2 strike, making the accusation of war crimes difficult to dismiss as mere speculation. The biggest vulnerability for the administration is the bipartisan consensus forming against these actions, which threatens to turn a policy dispute into a constitutional crisis. Readers should watch closely as the armed services committees investigate, for this is no longer just about drug enforcement; it is about whether the United States will remain a nation bound by the laws of war.

Sources

Department of war crimes

Since September 2, the Department of Defense (DOD) has used drones to kill more than 80 people traveling by boat in the Caribbean and Eastern Pacific. The government claims strikes targeted “terrorists” trafficking drugs into the United States.

According to a New York Times report, the military does not know the names of all the people it has killed. Instead, the military carries out a strike on a boat if it “knows that someone on the boats has a connection to a drug cartel, and it has some level of confidence that drugs are on the vessels.” No evidence has been presented to the public and Colombia’s government says that at least one of the strikes killed an innocent fisherman.

Even if every person killed by the drone strikes was in fact a drug trafficker, it is unclear what authority the DOD has to kill them. The Department of Justice (DOJ) has argued that cartels are trafficking drugs to finance a “non-international armed conflict” against the U.S., giving the executive branch the authority under Article II of the Constitution to kill the drug traffickers without Congress signing off on a declaration of war. Lawmakers and legal experts have raised doubts that smuggling drugs into the U.S. constitutes initiating an “armed conflict.”

Recently, new information has surfaced with the strongest evidence yet that Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth committed a war crime in ordering at least one of the strikes.

Last week, the Washington Post reported that Hegseth gave a verbal order to leave no survivors in the first strike of the DOD’s campaign against drug smuggling boats, which took place in the Caribbean on September 2. Several minutes after striking the boat for the first time, the Special Operations commander overseeing the attack ordered a second strike to kill two men hanging on to the burning remains of the boat in order to comply with Hegseth’s order, according to the Post.

That narrative describes a likely violation of the Geneva Conventions, which states, “Persons taking no active part in the hostilities, including members of armed forces who have laid down their arms and those placed ‘hors de combat’ by sickness, wounds, detention, or any other cause, shall in all circumstances be treated humanely,” with specific protections against “violence to life and person, in particular murder of all kinds.”

Two people, whose exact identities and potential roles in drug trafficking are unknown, ...