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The poverty of anti-tech thought

Noah Smith delivers a searing critique of a dominant intellectual trend on the American left: the reflexive hostility toward the technology sector. Rather than dismissing the legitimate dangers of surveillance or algorithmic control, Smith argues that the current discourse has devolved into a class-warfare caricature that ignores how society itself has willingly embraced digital tools. This piece is essential listening for anyone tired of the binary choice between blind techno-optimism and Luddite resentment, offering a nuanced path through the noise.

The Panopticon Debate

Smith opens by addressing the specific criticisms leveled against him by political scientist Henry Farrell, who has characterized Smith as a "Dr. Pangloss" who ignores the dark side of technology. Smith concedes that the fear of ubiquitous surveillance is valid, noting that "nobody particularly wants to work in an environment where algorithms are perpetually surveilling them, deciding whether they are hired or fired, with little or no recourse to human decision makers." However, he challenges the premise that this is the central failure of the current intellectual debate. Smith points out that while Farrell and others dwell on the metaphor of the panopticon, the books they defend barely scratch the surface of the issue. "Despite Henry's claim that Acemoglu and Johnson 'invoke the metaphor of the panopticon early, and return to it, explicitly or implicitly, throughout,' they only discuss digital surveillance for three pages," Smith writes. This discrepancy suggests that the critics are fighting a battle of their own making, one that the texts they champion do not fully support.

The poverty of anti-tech thought

Smith's argument here is compelling because it shifts the focus from abstract fear to textual evidence. He argues that the left's obsession with the "death of privacy" has become a distraction from the reality that "humanity has once again chosen to give their lives over to the machine." Critics might note that this framing risks minimizing the coercive nature of platforms that make privacy opt-out rather than opt-in, but Smith's point stands: the intellectual class has not solved the privacy paradox, and pretending otherwise is unproductive.

Spending my days carefully considering the social downsides of the fact that everyone puts their whole existence online feels like shooting nerf darts at an oncoming freight train.

The Class Enmity Problem

The core of Smith's commentary targets the emotional undercurrent of the anti-tech movement. He suggests that the animosity toward Silicon Valley is less about policy and more about a deep-seated resentment of the wealthy elite. "Henry perceives me as being too trusting of, enamored with, or favorably disposed toward this class of people," Smith observes, before revealing how this perception leads to flawed analysis. He illustrates this by discussing a screenshot used by Farrell that depicted Smith seemingly praising Elon Musk, a context Smith argues was completely missing. "I doubt Henry Farrell actually saw the context of my tweet before he posted it," Smith writes, suggesting that the critic was operating on a preconceived narrative rather than the evidence at hand. This dynamic, Smith argues, is symptomatic of a broader issue where "class enmity toward the techno-industrialists" clouds judgment.

Smith traces this shift to the post-2016 era, where the narrative that social media swung the election turned the left against the industry. He notes that the rise of the "New Brandeis movement" explicitly framed antitrust not as a consumer price issue, but as a fight to prevent companies from "destroying democracy." While this movement failed to win major court victories because "U.S. antitrust law doesn't leave any room for breaking companies up for political reasons," it succeeded in cementing an intellectual legacy of hostility. This historical context is vital; it shows that the current rage is a political construction, not an inevitable reaction to the technology itself.

The Trap of Binary Thinking

Smith's most incisive point is that the anti-tech movement has become a self-fulfilling prophecy of cynicism. He argues that while he agrees that tech giants have caused harm, the solution lies in policy enacted by a democratically elected government, not in a cultural war against innovation. "I've expressed concern about the catastrophic risks associated with AI technology, and devoted a fair amount of thought to AI's potential to cause radical inequality," Smith writes, establishing his credibility before dismantling the straw man of the "techno-optimist." He warns that the current discourse is so entrenched that "if you say this at a lefty policy wonk conference, you will be treated as an enemy of the people." This rigidity prevents a nuanced discussion about how to regulate powerful tools without stifling the very progress that could solve other societal problems.

A counterargument worth considering is that the "class enmity" Smith describes might be a rational response to the sheer concentration of wealth and power in the hands of a few founders. However, Smith's insistence on separating the critique of power from the rejection of technology offers a more constructive path forward. He urges readers to see that the problem is not the technology, but the governance of it.

Bottom Line

Smith's strongest move is exposing the gap between the fervor of the anti-tech critics and the actual content of the books they champion, revealing a debate driven more by class resentment than by policy analysis. The argument's vulnerability lies in its potential to understate the structural incentives that make privacy impossible in the current market, but it succeeds brilliantly in calling for a return to pragmatic, democratic solutions over cultural vitriol. Watch for how this critique influences the next wave of tech policy debates as the administration seeks to balance innovation with regulation.

Deep Dives

Explore these related deep dives:

  • New Brandeis movement

    This antitrust philosophy underpins the 'anti-tech' sentiment the author critiques, framing the debate over whether Big Tech's size inherently harms innovation.

  • Terafab

    A specific, failed attempt at open-source hardware manufacturing that illustrates the practical difficulties of the 'decentralized tech' vision often championed by critics of Silicon Valley.

  • Reputation capital

    This concept explains the non-monetary incentives driving the behavior of the 'economists and billionaires' the author describes as having an 'unfortunate intellectual relationship'.

Sources

The poverty of anti-tech thought

by Noah Smith · Noahpinion · Read full article

It has come to my attention that the noted political scientist Henry Farrell has been writing some very testy responses to me. The first two, in 2024, totally slipped by unnoticed:

Thanks to the rise of Substack Notes, however, I was able to see the most recent installment in the sequence, which is mostly a repost of the first installment:

I apologize for missing the first two when they came out, and I’ll try to respond to these as well. But first let me note that all three of Henry’s blog posts are responses to my review of the book Power and Progress, by Daron Acemoglu and Simon Johnson, which I first wrote in 2024 and then republished recently:

Power and Progress was a strong contender for the worst nonfiction book I’ve ever read all the way through,1 though of course that ranking suffers from selection bias, since I’ve quit many worse books before finishing. I feel an irrational need to somehow make up all the hours I spent reading this ultimately unenlightening tome, which is probably why I took the time to write a 7,000-word critical review. At the very least, I was able to have some fun critiquing some abstruse arguments by some highly influential authors. And thanks to Henry, I get to have even more fun arguing about someone else’s arguments about my arguments! Thank you, Henry! I’m getting steadily less regretful about making myself finish that book.

At this point, if you’re still reading this post, you’re probably asking “Why is this interesting to me, someone who has not read Power and Progress and have never heard anyone bring it up?”. Well, the honest answer is that it’s probably not interesting, and you should probably be taking care of a pet rabbit instead of reading this post. But I suppose there’s one reason it might be interesting, which is that over the past decade or so, a fairly large portion of the left-leaning intellectual class in America has become fairly-to-very resentful of the American tech industry, and has spent an enormous amount of intellectual effort on criticizing that industry. Both Power and Progress itself, and Henry’s defense of the book, channel those ideas and appeal to that sentiment.

The core conceit of anti-tech thought is that a class of wealthy industrialists — the “techbros”, if you will — is hurting society by building and investing in ...