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The public sphere & "civility": Hoisted from the archives

Brad DeLong dismantles a comforting myth about political discourse: that 'civility' is a neutral virtue shared equally by all sides. In this archival deep dive, he reveals how demands for polite debate often serve as a shield for the powerful to silence dissent, while they themselves feel no obligation to be honest or fair.

The Double Standard of Good Faith

DeLong begins by dissecting Andrew Sullivan's nostalgic recollection of a 'generous spirit' in the public square. Sullivan describes a time when ideological opposites could 'jostle together' and engage in 'crackling and productive' debate before social media fractured everything into 'tribal swarms.' DeLong, however, points out that this nostalgia ignores who was forced to swallow their true feelings to remain at the table.

The public sphere & "civility": Hoisted from the archives

He contrasts Sullivan's rosy view with Ta-Nehisi Coates's experience of that same era. Coates admits he had to learn from men he knew were racist, noting, 'I actually had to take this seriously... I couldn't speak in a certain way to Andrew.' DeLong highlights the brutal reality behind the polite exchange: 'The "civility" and "generosity of spirit" that supported "human to human" conversation is juxtaposed to Coates's "teachers" who didn't see him "completely as a human being."'

This framing exposes a critical flaw in how we remember past political debates. It wasn't that the left became less civil; it was that the terms of engagement were rigged from the start.

What Sullivan depicts as a 'different time' when 'neither of us denied each other's good faith or human worth', is, in Coates's understanding, a time where he was required to 'take seriously' the argument that 'black people are genetically disposed to be dumber than white people' as a price of entry into the rarified heights of conversation.

The Architecture of Strategic Dishonesty

The commentary then shifts to DeLong's most damning evidence: Sullivan's own writings from 2001 regarding the Bush administration. While demanding civility from critics, Sullivan openly celebrated strategic deception by the executive branch. DeLong quotes Sullivan directly on the necessity of obfuscation:

'The fact that Bush has to obfuscate his real goals of reducing spending with the smoke screen of "compassionate conservatism" shows how uphill the struggle is.... A certain amount of B.S. is necessary for any vaguely successful retrenchment of government power in an insatiable entitlement state.'

DeLong argues this proves a consistent pattern: 'Sullivan felt himself under no obligation to be honest or civil back when he thought he was riding high. Rather the reverse.' This connects to broader historical anxieties about internal dissent; just as Sullivan later invoked the specter of a domestic 'fifth column' after 9/11, he had previously treated arithmetic and policy accuracy as secondary to ideological victory.

Critics might argue that political strategy inherently requires some level of spin from all sides. DeLong's counter is sharp: it matters who gets to define what counts as 'spin' versus 'good faith,' and who gets labeled a traitor for pointing out the math doesn't add up.

The Modern Echoes

DeLong fast-forwards to 2026, applying this historical lens to contemporary debates involving Helen Pluckrose. He accuses Sullivan of repeating his old tactics—using 'Vavilovian Philosophical Mimicry' to misrepresent opponents and confuse the public sphere. DeLong writes that when he sees Sullivan paired with the phrase 'good faith,' his mind goes straight to 'easily confused.'

He warns Pluckrose against being 'gullible when Andrew Sullivan or others of his ilk try to pick your pocket again in this way,' noting that while presuming good faith is a liberal glory, it can be weaponized by those who do not reciprocate. The piece serves as a reminder that the 'riptide of tribalism' often flows from one direction: those in power demanding silence from the marginalized while they shout their own strategic lies.

I remember Andrew Sullivan back in 2001... Thus when I see you put the words "Andrew Sullivan" and "good faith" together in the same sentence, the words that come to my mind are "easily confused".

Bottom Line

DeLong's strongest contribution is exposing 'civility' not as a mutual agreement but as a hierarchy of power where the privileged demand silence from the oppressed while feeling free to lie. The argument's vulnerability lies in its focus on individual intellectual history, which may obscure how structural incentives drive dishonesty across the entire political spectrum today.

Deep Dives

Explore these related deep dives:

  • Between the World and Me Amazon · Better World Books by Ta-Nehisi Coates

    Coates's searing letter to his son about being Black in America.

  • Fifth column

    The article critiques Sullivan's post-9/11 rhetoric by invoking this specific historical term for internal subversion, revealing how labeling political opponents as traitors undermines the very 'civility' he claims to champion.

  • The Bell Curve

    This specific academic dispute over genetic intelligence differences is the exact subject of the 2009 debate between Coates and Sullivan mentioned in the text, illustrating the 'generous argument' mask that covered deeply racist premises.

  • Planning fallacy

    The excerpt accuses Sullivan of embracing this concept during the Bush tax cuts, providing a technical framework for understanding how political actors can deliberately distort facts while maintaining a facade of good-faith engagement.

Sources

The public sphere & "civility": Hoisted from the archives

From 2018-05-29: When Andrew Sullivan’s definition of “civility” means “you know and stay in your place”, or good faith for me, bad faith for thee. A fond memory of “generous argument” dissolves when you ask who had to swallow what to stay in the room. And do recall Sullivan’s post‑9/11 denunciations of a domestic “fifth column” of the “decadent left” from its “enclaves along the coasts”, and his cheerful embrace of strategic dishonesty over the Bush tax cuts. The through‑line is simple: the people who demand civility for themselves have rarely felt bound by it. Those who challenged the arithmetic—or the racism—never got reciprocity….

<http://www.bradford-delong.com/2018/05/2018-05-28-filed-sullivan-coates-farrell-make-live-on-2018-11-23.html>

“Civility” looks very different depending on where you stand...

From here <http://crookedtimber.org/2018/05/23/neo-marxism/> I have excerpted three short paragraphs very much worth reading and thinking about:

Andrew Sullivan: ‘This bloggy exchange Ta-Nehisi and I had in 2009, on the very subject of identity politics and its claims.... there was a civility about it, an actual generosity of spirit, that transcended the boundaries of race and background.... The Atlantic was crammed with ideological opposites then, jostling together in the same office, and our engagement with each other and our readerships was a crackling and productive one. There was much more of that back then, before Twitter swallowed blogging, before identity politics became completely nonnegotiable, before we degenerated into these tribal swarms of snark and loathing. I think of it now as a distant island, appearing now and then, as the waves go up and down. The riptide of tribalism can capture us all in the end, until we drown in it...

And:

Ta Nehisi Coates: ‘I got incredibly used to learning from people... quite good at their craft, who I felt, and pardon my language, were fucking racist. And that was just the way the world was. I didn’t really have the luxury of having teachers who I necessarily felt, you know, saw me completely as a human being.... You can go into The Atlantic archives right now, and you can see me arguing with Andrew Sullivan about whether black people are genetically disposed to be dumber than white people. I actually had to take this seriously, you understand? I couldn’t speak in a certain way to Andrew. I couldn’t speak to Andrew on the blog the way I would speak to my wife about what Andrew said on the blog in the morning when it was ...