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How Péter Magyar won

Most analysis of Hungary's recent election focuses on the personnel change, assuming a new government means a new direction. Yascha Mounk challenges this comforting narrative with a starker, more unsettling thesis: the electorate, not just the leader, is the true anchor of Hungary's isolationist foreign policy. This piece is essential listening because it suggests that the victory of Péter Magyar may be a victory for the same grievances that sustained the previous administration, merely repackaged for a new era.

The Diaspora as a Political Tool

Mounk begins by dissecting the "gold mine" Viktor Orbán cultivated by expanding citizenship to ethnic Hungarians living abroad. He writes, "In 2010, at the start of his second term as the prime minister of Hungary, Viktor Orbán devised a way of increasing his voter base—by amending the Citizenship Act so that Hungarian citizenship was given to ethnic Hungarians who lived outside of Hungary." This was not merely a humanitarian gesture; as Mounk notes, it created "an entirely new electoral class" that owed their political identity to the state rather than lived experience within it.

How Péter Magyar won

The author connects this modern political maneuver to the trauma of the 1920 Treaty of Trianon, which redrew borders and left a third of ethnic Hungarians outside the new Hungarian state. Mounk argues that the current political class, including the opposition, is still trapped by this history. When Magyar campaigned in Romania, he didn't just appeal to voters; he signaled a nationalist worldview. "He referred to Slovakia by its historical Hungarian name, Felvidék, signaling a nationalist view of Slovakia that his electorate would recognize," Mounk observes. This is a crucial insight: the opposition is walking a tightrope, appealing to the very irredentist sentiments that fueled the incumbent's rise.

Even if Magyar managed to flip any of the diaspora vote, they will continue to support the same message as before—indeed, the only message that links them to Hungary: a connection to a time and place long gone.

Critics might argue that Magyar's use of historical names was a tactical necessity to win, not an endorsement of expansionism. However, Mounk's point stands that the electorate's emotional geography remains defined by lost empires, limiting the scope of any new foreign policy.

A Country in Want of an Enemy

The commentary shifts to the paradox of Hungary's hostility toward Ukraine. Mounk points out that unlike Poland or the Baltic states, Hungary has no deep historical grievance with Ukraine to justify its current animosity. "While all other countries in Eastern Europe seized the opportunity to move away from Russian influence and to face the future, Hungary turned to face the past," he writes. The author suggests that the hostility is a projection of the unresolved trauma of Trianon, specifically the loss of the Zakarpattia region.

The text highlights a disturbing polling reality: "half of Hungary's electorate considers Ukraine dangerous, 64% oppose EU accession for Ukraine, and Zelenskyy ranks as one of the most disliked foreign leaders in the country, level with Putin." Mounk argues that the opposition, despite its pro-European rhetoric, could not afford to challenge this sentiment. "Magyar seized the opportunity, participating in various protests and capitalizing on Orbán's conspicuous silence on the plight of ethnic Hungarians in Slovakia," but on Ukraine, the silence was maintained. The electorate's view is that Ukraine is an outsider, a "country worse off, looking in through a window from the cold," making it a perfect target for political grievance.

The Transactional Relationship with Europe

Perhaps the most biting analysis concerns Hungary's relationship with the European Union. Mounk describes a dynamic where Hungary views EU funds not as a partnership but as compensation for historical suffering. "The European Union and its funds are treated as their due," he asserts. This transactional mindset explains why the country has stayed in the bloc despite constant friction. "It is not quite clear how they intend to access this prosperity while simultaneously destabilizing the whole EU structure," Mounk notes, highlighting the contradiction at the heart of the nation's strategy.

The author contrasts this with other post-communist states that transformed their sense of betrayal at Yalta into a drive for integration. Hungary, conversely, seems intent on "extract[ing] rents without offering much in return." This framing suggests that even with a new government, the fundamental economic and political calculus remains unchanged. "Tisza's angle was pro-European in rhetoric, transactional in substance, and aligned with Fidesz on migration and sovereignty," Mounk concludes.

Bottom Line

Yascha Mounk's strongest contribution is the realization that a change in leadership does not automatically equate to a change in national character; the electorate's grievances are the true constant. The argument's vulnerability lies in its somewhat static view of the electorate, potentially underestimating how quickly a new government could shift the Overton window if it successfully reframed national identity around future prosperity rather than past loss. For European leaders, the takeaway is sobering: the person in the Prime Minister's office may change, but the society they must govern remains deeply anchored in the shadows of the past.

Deep Dives

Explore these related deep dives:

  • Treaty of Trianon

    This 1920 agreement explains the specific territorial losses that created the ethnic Hungarian diaspora, which the article identifies as the foundational grievance Orbán exploited and Magyar must now navigate.

  • Hungarian nationality law

    This specific legislative change granted voting rights to millions of ethnic Hungarians abroad, creating the exact 'new electoral class' that the article argues fundamentally altered Hungary's political landscape.

  • Hungarian irredentism

    Understanding this specific nationalist ideology clarifies why the opposition's foreign policy regarding Ukraine and Russia is constrained by deep-seated societal sentiments rather than just party platforms.

Sources

How Péter Magyar won

by Yascha Mounk · Persuasion · Read full article

This article is brought to you by American Purpose, the magazine and community founded by Francis Fukuyama in 2020, which is proudly part of the Persuasion family.

The elections in Hungary have concluded, and the opposition with Péter Magyar at the helm has achieved a historic win. Voters seized the chance to steer Hungary back towards the rest of Europe.

However, even before the elections, it was evident Magyar’s Tisza Party could not simply run with a liberal and pro-European message. Magyar was working with exactly the same society that Viktor Orbán was. And the eggshells Magyar had to walk on indicate that Hungarian foreign policy, which is what concerns Europe most, might be less an extension of Fidesz and Orbán than an extension of the society itself.

While the internal conflicts, slippage of the rule of law, and corruption were used to entice disillusioned voters, the four cornerstones of Hungarian foreign policy—the Hungarian diaspora, as well as relations with Ukraine, Russia, and the EU—were handled with conspicuous caution by the opposition, though with one notable exception—relations with Russia. If anything, the treatment of each of these subjects by Tisza in this election tells us a lot about the electorate they have inherited from Orbán, and how foreign policy in Hungary might change or not change now that Orbán has finally been dethroned.

Why, exactly, were these matters so important to Orbán and Magyar? Or rather, why are they so important to the Hungarian electorate?

The Gold Mine of Diaspora.

In 2010, at the start of his second term as the prime minister of Hungary, Viktor Orbán devised a way of increasing his voter base—by amending the Citizenship Act so that Hungarian citizenship was given to ethnic Hungarians who lived outside of Hungary. In doing so, he created an entirely new electoral class.

A brief historical detour is in order. In 1920, after the end of WWI and as part of the Treaty of Trianon, the Hungarian borders of what was once the Austro-Hungarian Empire were rearranged. Although the lands Hungary lost were majority non-Hungarian, the borders cut through ethnically mixed territories, leaving approximately a third of ethnic Hungarians on the wrong side. At the same time, the lands passed to neighboring and newly-created states dominated by the region’s other main ethnic groups. By once again siding with Germany, this time in WWII, Hungary regained some of its former lands, ...