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What Texas teaches: Embed teacher compensation reform in the school finance formula

Mike Petrilli cuts through the noise of generic "raise everyone's pay" rhetoric with a stark economic reality: across-the-board salary hikes are a mile wide and an inch deep, failing to solve the specific labor shortages plaguing high-need schools. This piece stands out because it moves beyond the moral argument for teacher pay to a ruthless cost-benefit analysis of how dollars actually move in the education market, arguing that without structural reform, money will simply vanish into bureaucracy rather than reaching the educators who matter most.

The Economics of Retention

Petrilli opens by dismantling the assumption that uniform raises are the silver bullet for recruitment. He notes that while beginning teacher salaries rose by 24 percent between 2019 and 2025, housing costs skyrocketed by nearly 50 percent, effectively shrinking purchasing power. "We need to pay all teachers more—and effective teachers even more," Petrilli writes, framing the issue not as a budgetary preference but as a market correction. This framing is crucial; it shifts the debate from "can we afford it?" to "how do we spend it to get results?"

What Texas teaches: Embed teacher compensation reform in the school finance formula

The author leans heavily on data from the National Council on Teacher Quality (NCTQ) to show that current differentiations are too weak to move the needle. "Salary stipends of just a few thousand dollars on average" are insufficient when the cost to attract talent to the neediest schools is actually "the extra $10,000 to $20,000 per year." Petrilli argues that without these aggressive differentials, districts are stuck in a cycle where they cannot fill vacancies in critical subjects like special education or English language learning.

"It's the economics, stupid."

This blunt invocation of economic reality is the piece's anchor. Petrilli suggests that the current system, which treats the workforce as a uniform block, is actively driving away high-performers who have other lucrative options. Critics might argue that tying pay strictly to location or subject creates a two-tiered system that devalues teachers in affluent, low-need schools. However, Petrilli counters this by pointing to Hawaii's Special Education Teacher Incentive Program, which successfully reduced vacant positions by 32 percent by offering up to $18,000 in additional compensation. The evidence suggests that targeted investment yields tangible retention results where broad raises do not.

The Texas Model: Embedding Reform in Finance

The most distinctive contribution of this commentary is its deep dive into the Texas Teacher Incentive Allotment (TIA). Petrilli highlights that the true innovation here isn't just the money, but the mechanism: "the TIA is not separate from the state's school funding formula— it's embedded within it!" This structural choice prevents the program from being a fleeting political win that gets defunded in the next budget cycle.

Petrilli explains that by keying compensation to the economic disadvantage levels in finance formulas, the state ensures that "the more poor a campus, the more the teacher is paid." This creates a direct pipeline of resources to the classrooms that need them most, with top-tier teachers in the hardest-to-staff environments potentially earning up to "$36,000 in new funding per qualified teacher." This approach avoids the "small-p politics" that often stall reform at the district level, as the state mandates the structure.

"Teacher pay is the same thing as funding reform in the Texas zeitgeist."

This insight reframes the entire conversation for state policymakers. Instead of viewing teacher compensation as a line item to be negotiated separately, it becomes an integral part of the school finance architecture. As Petrilli notes, this was a "huge lift" to implement politically, but it secured long-term stability. A counterargument worth considering is whether this model is replicable in states with less political will or more fragmented school systems. Yet, the success of the Texas model suggests that without embedding these incentives in the formula, districts will continue to prioritize hiring more staff over paying existing teachers better.

The Danger of Bureaucratic Bloat

Petrilli warns that simply throwing more money at the system without structural guardrails leads to inefficiency. Citing Rick Hess, he points out that "Decades of increases in school spending have led to more bureaucracy, benefits, and staff positions, rather than higher teacher pay." The risk is that new funding will be absorbed by an expanding administrative class rather than reaching the classroom.

Ben Scafidi adds a sobering demographic reality: enrollment declines mean that even without new money, there are more resources per student. "If states pass new funding formulas that give districts more state funding, we should expect the staffing surge to continue," Scafidi argues. Petrilli uses this to reinforce his call for differentiation. If the goal is to improve student outcomes, the focus must be on the quality of the teacher, not the quantity of support staff.

"The point of compensation reform would be to ensure the strongest teachers stay in the classroom in core academic positions especially in schools serving more high-needs students."

This quote crystallizes the urgency. The current trend, as Petrilli observes, is moving the strongest teachers out of the classroom and into specialist roles like coaching. This is a net loss for students who need direct instruction from the most effective educators. The argument here is that without aggressive pay differentiation, the market will continue to pull talent away from the students who need it most.

Bottom Line

Petrilli's strongest argument is the structural insight that teacher pay reform cannot succeed in a vacuum; it must be embedded within school finance formulas to survive political cycles and ensure money flows to high-need areas. The piece's biggest vulnerability lies in the political difficulty of implementing such aggressive differentiation in states without the legislative cohesion seen in Texas. The reader should watch for how other states attempt to replicate the Texas model, specifically whether they can overcome the resistance to moving away from uniform salary schedules.

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Sources

What Texas teaches: Embed teacher compensation reform in the school finance formula

by Mike Petrilli · SCHOOLED · Read full article

Happy Veterans Day, education policy people. Today, we continue our discussion of teacher pay reform, featuring comments from Heather Peske, Mary Lynn Pruneda, Dan Goldhaber, Marguerite Roza, Pat Wolf, Ben Scafidi, and Rebecca Sibilia—plus report on recent takes by Rick Hess, Holly Korbey, Paul DiPerna, Liz Cohen, Susan Pendergrass, Jude Schwalbach, Eric Hanushek, Christy Hovanetz, Chad Aldeman, Tim Daly, and yours truly.

Sign up to receive this newsletter in your inbox on Tuesday and Friday mornings. SCHOOLED is free, but a few linked articles may be paywalled by other publications.

Last week we dug into whether schools should prioritize higher teacher salaries over other budget items, from small class sizes to instructional coaching to professional learning to tutoring. And honestly, it wasn’t as much of a slam dunk as I expected. While salaries matter, there’s a case for most other investments, too, at least when implemented effectively.

Most importantly, though, respondents agreed that across-the-board raises don’t do much good. What we need is to more aggressively differentiate pay. When districts do, the evidence is much stronger that it makes a difference, as we’ve learned from D.C. and Dallas in particular.

Most districts do a bit of differentiating—with salary supplements for special ed teachers, for example, or maybe for those with National Board Certification, and occasionally for serving in Title I and other challenging schools. But as a recent article by NCTQ’s Michael Sheehy showed, the differentiation tends to be modest, with salary stipends of just a few thousand dollars on average (versus the extra $10,000 to $20,000 per year that is required to draw the best teachers to our neediest schools).

Indeed, as NCTQ’s Heather Peske argues, we need to be much more aggressive:

We need to pay all teachers more—and effective teachers even more. Effective teachers who teach in the subjects and schools that experience persistent vacancies need to be paid the most. Why? To paraphrase, “It’s the economics, stupid.” Between 2019 and 2025, on average, beginning teacher salaries increased by 24 percent. Yet during those same years, NCTQ’s recent analysis found that home prices skyrocketed by about 47 percent and rental costs increased by about 51 percent on average. This means teachers’ purchasing power has shrunk dramatically—and many teach far from home, leading to long commutes, lower performance, and more days absent… Interest in teaching has declined sharply—and many people cite low salaries and status as the reason ...