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PanoptiCon artists: Your questions answered

Sarah Kendzior cuts through the noise of daily political theater to diagnose a deeper, more structural rot: the systematic dismantling of truth and the deliberate erosion of the American public sphere. In this Q&A, she argues that the current crisis is not merely about policy disputes but about an active war on information designed to facilitate authoritarian rule, a claim that demands immediate attention from anyone concerned with the future of democracy.

The War on Information

Kendzior identifies the collapse of reliable search and the rise of paywalled media as a primary threat to historical memory. She writes, "The loss of working search engines and easy access to information is a tremendous crisis for researchers, especially when coupled with AI." Her argument is that this is not accidental obsolescence but a strategic move to obscure the past. She describes a media landscape where "pseudo-resisters prey on fear for profit," creating a "gated community of Stepford Pundits" that blocks access to the very solutions they claim to offer.

PanoptiCon artists: Your questions answered

This framing is powerful because it shifts the blame from individual bad actors to the structural incentives of the media oligarchy. By labeling this phenomenon "regriftance," Kendzior highlights how the resistance itself has been commodified. She warns that "the history of the first quarter of the 21st century will be annihilated," a chilling prediction that underscores the urgency of her call for individual archival efforts. Critics might argue that individual preservation is a band-aid on a systemic wound, but Kendzior's point is that the system is actively hostile to preservation, making grassroots efforts the only viable defense.

The war on information is a war on the future by way of destroying the past: especially the recent past.

The Strategy of Urban Warfare

When addressing the deployment of federal troops to cities like Portland, Los Angeles, and Chicago, Kendzior rejects the official narrative of restoring order. Instead, she posits that the administration is targeting wealthy hubs to "drain the wealth that would flow to locals who seek to combat his regime." She argues that this is a calculated move to depopulate opposition strongholds and stoke civil war by pitting regions against one another. "Cities are not invading each other. The federal government is attacking Americans," she asserts, reframing the conflict as a domestic insurrection rather than a law enforcement operation.

Her analysis of the "unreality" created by the administration's propaganda machine is particularly sharp. She suggests that the goal is to create a scenario where facts no longer matter, allowing for the imposition of authoritarian rule. While some might argue that federal intervention is a necessary response to civil unrest, Kendzior contends that the unrest is often manufactured or exaggerated to justify the overreach. She notes that the regime "invented 'antifa' to criminalize a growing and wide-ranging opposition," a tactic designed to delegitimize legitimate dissent.

The Oligarchic Endgame

Perhaps the most disturbing part of Kendzior's commentary is her assessment of the tech elite's role in this unfolding drama. She describes figures like Peter Thiel and Elon Musk not as visionary leaders but as "cultists" who view humanity through a hierarchical, eugenicist lens. "They're chasing the apocalypse — or using a biblical apocalypse as an excuse to create a manmade one," she writes, linking their "Longtermism" ideology to a disregard for present human suffering. She warns that their ultimate goal is a "digital panopticon run by kleptocrats," where freedom of speech and movement are curtailed by a social credit system.

Kendzior's critique of the Democratic leadership is equally scathing, describing them as "enablers" whose loyalty lies elsewhere. She argues that "exposing complicity is a civic virtue" and that the focus should be on shifting political culture rather than trying to persuade leaders who have no intention of changing. This is a stark departure from the usual calls for bipartisan cooperation, suggesting that the current political establishment is fundamentally broken.

They are cultists, and they worship themselves. They want to create "transhuman" versions of themselves that live eternally.

The Personal Cost of Resistance

Amidst the macro-political analysis, Kendzior grounds her argument in the human experience of resistance. When asked about the efficacy of protests, she acknowledges that elite consciences may not change, but argues that demonstrations serve to "forge community bonds" and provide a counter-narrative in a decimated media landscape. She reflects on her own decision to stay in the United States despite the dangers, quoting abolitionist Elijah Lovejoy: "I can die at my post, but I cannot desert it." This personal stance adds a layer of moral gravity to her analysis, transforming abstract political theory into a call for personal courage.

She also addresses the practicalities of resistance, advising readers to "free yourself from technological dependence" and to build mutual aid networks. Her advice to "use browsers instead of apps" and "refuse to use AI" is a direct challenge to the convenience that often masks surveillance. While some may view this as impractical in a hyper-connected world, Kendzior frames it as a necessary step to reclaim agency.

Bottom Line

Sarah Kendzior's commentary offers a sobering, unvarnished look at the mechanisms of modern authoritarianism, moving beyond personality cults to expose the structural and technological engines driving the crisis. Her strongest argument lies in connecting the dots between digital surveillance, media consolidation, and the deliberate destruction of historical memory. The piece's greatest vulnerability is its reliance on individual action in the face of overwhelming state power, yet it succeeds in framing the stakes with a clarity that is often missing from mainstream discourse. Readers should watch for how the administration's strategies of urban depopulation and digital control evolve, as these are the front lines of the coming struggle for the future of the republic.

Sources

PanoptiCon artists: Your questions answered

Thank you, subscribers, for your thoughtful questions! I answered most and tried to address the main points of the rest. I’ve also done two recent interviews on the Mark Thompson Show that answer even more questions. (Click on the underlined links.)

Finally: Please sign up to get this newsletter in your inbox! Email is the most reliable distribution method in the oligarch algorithm era, so if you’d like to hear from me, sign up — it’s free! If you’d like to offer financial support — and get the perk of submitting a question for the next Q & A — please do so here:

Mary: What are you doing about research now that the internet is so broken? Tracy: Do you have suggestions for how we the people can archive information before it disappears?

SK: The loss of working search engines and easy access to information is a tremendous crisis for researchers, especially when coupled with AI. Here are some suggestions. First, all AI content needs to be labeled as such. Second, we need far more curation, including preservation of digital-only works. Third, anyone who can make their website free should do so. I am a lone writer in Missouri, and I keep my work free, yet millionaire media groups claim they can’t. As a result, we end up with a slew of paywalled “Here’s the only way to save democracy” articles with the “answer” blocked. People pay to bypass the wall and land in a gated community of Stepford Pundits. These pseudo-resisters prey on fear for profit: they are the regriftance.

The war on information is a war on the future by way of destroying the past: especially the recent past. I worry that the history of the first quarter of the 21st century will be annihilated. When I look back on my books, I know I could never uncover all that corruption today — partly because search engines are broken; partly because media is censored or outlets have gone under. My end notes have become dead ends.

I encourage folks to print out articles, make copies as Word docs, save them on Internet Archive — anything. Hopefully there will be a more organized preservation movement in the future. Given the enormous amount of vital digital information out there, every effort helps, even if it’s not public yet. Someday a writer may post that they’re looking for something, ...