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Labor freedom is the best explanation for the us-europe income gap

Richard Hanania delivers a provocative thesis that reframes the transatlantic wealth gap not as a tale of innovation culture or tax policy, but as a story of labor market rigidity. While many analysts point to energy costs or research spending, Hanania argues that the true differentiator is the sheer cost of letting go, a factor that stifles the very experimentation required for modern economic dominance.

The Cost of Staying Still

Hanania begins by dismantling the assumption that the United States is a general paradise of economic freedom. He notes that while the U.S. ranks 27th globally in overall economic freedom, it sits at 3rd in labor freedom specifically. This distinction is crucial. "Americans do much better than Europeans, but the US is not clearly economically freer in most areas," he writes, forcing the reader to isolate labor policy as the primary variable. The author's logic is compelling: if the U.S. outperforms Europe despite similar regulatory burdens in housing and taxes, the divergence must lie elsewhere. He posits that labor laws are not just bureaucratic hurdles but active mechanisms that "hold Europe back" by creating a status quo bias.

Labor freedom is the best explanation for the us-europe income gap

The argument gains traction when Hanania contrasts the regulatory environments of California and Europe. He points out that California shares many of Europe's perceived economic sins—high energy prices, expensive housing, and high taxes—yet remains the global hub for tech giants like Tesla and Waymo. "What really sets Europe apart from states like California is different," Hanania asserts. "Relative to income, it costs large companies four times more to lay off Germans and French than American workers, a difference arising entirely from different regulatory approaches." This comparison effectively strips away the usual excuses regarding national culture or research investment, isolating the legal framework as the decisive factor.

"By American standards, a European business has to be exceptionally confident that it will want an employee for a long time before hiring them."

This observation highlights a fundamental shift in corporate behavior. In Europe, the risk of hiring is so magnified that companies become risk-averse, preferring stability over growth. Hanania illustrates this with the example of severance costs, noting that in the U.S., the cost per employee laid off is roughly seven months of salary, whereas in Spain, it balloons to 62 months. The disparity is so extreme that companies often resort to paying employees to leave voluntarily, a phenomenon he describes with biting irony: "You'd rather they do nothing for four years and eat their salaries than get all the work they produce over that time period and then have to keep paying them for work in years 5+."

The Mechanics of Rigidity

Hanania moves beyond abstract economics to detail the specific legal architectures that enforce this rigidity. He draws on the German Kündigungsschutzgesetz (Protection Against Dismissal Act) to show how the state effectively takes over the hiring and firing decision. Under this system, employers cannot simply choose who leaves; they must rank employees by age, tenure, and family obligations. "Employers cannot choose who leaves: they must rank employees by age, years of service, family maintenance obligations, and degree of disability, and then prioritize dismissing those with the weakest social claim to the job," he explains. This removes managerial discretion, turning a business decision into a bureaucratic calculation.

The situation is equally complex in France, where restructuring requires approval from works councils and regulators. Hanania cites the case of Continental, a tire manufacturer, which was forced to pay up to three years of salary to 680 employees after a court ruled their financial justification for layoffs insufficient. "If a court determines that a company that has laid off employees was not in a financial state to merit laying off workers, that court has the power to reclassify the dismissals as unfair and impose even higher severance as a fine," he writes. This creates a chilling effect where companies freeze hiring entirely to avoid the risk of future entrapment.

"Basically, what this system amounts to is a welfare state, while placing the burden on those who create jobs in the first place."

Hanania's analogy here is striking: he compares these mandates to forcing charity providers to pay for the healthcare of the poor they help, rather than funding it through general taxation. This framing suggests that the current European model is not just inefficient but fundamentally misaligned, penalizing the very entities responsible for economic dynamism. Critics might argue that these protections provide essential social stability and prevent the volatility seen in the U.S. labor market, yet Hanania counters that this stability comes at the cost of stagnation, particularly in high-growth sectors.

Innovation vs. Entrenchment

The most damning evidence Hanania presents is the impact of these laws on innovation. He argues that the European economy is "poorly equipped for moments of great experimentation" because the cost of failure is prohibitively high. He contrasts the American tech sector, where companies like Apple and GM can scrap billion-dollar projects like self-driving car initiatives without facing a legal minefield, with the European experience. "Building self-driving cars has involved lots of failures," he notes, listing the billions lost by American firms that were able to pivot or shut down. In Europe, however, the same failures would trigger massive severance obligations and regulatory hurdles.

The author points out that while the upside of success is similar across borders, the downside is asymmetrical. "For both American and European companies, the upsides of success from bets like these are similar. But the downsides from failed bets are much greater for Europeans," he writes. This asymmetry explains why Europe lacks its own Tesla or Google; the regulatory environment punishes the iterative process of trial and error that defines modern tech. The reference to the French Code du travail and the historical role of works councils, which date back to early 20th-century labor movements, underscores how deeply these protections are embedded in the institutional fabric, making reform nearly impossible.

"The unemployment rate doesn't look so bad, but you still get society-wide stagnation."

This is the crux of Hanania's argument: the visible metric of unemployment is a poor proxy for economic health. While employment rates in the Euro area are nearly identical to the U.S., the quality of that employment and the dynamism of the economy are vastly different. The system encourages companies to shift activity away from high-risk, high-reward sectors toward safe, incremental industries. The result is an economy that is stable but stagnant, where workers are protected from job loss but denied the opportunity to participate in the next wave of economic growth.

Bottom Line

Hanania's strongest contribution is his ability to isolate labor freedom as the single most significant variable in the transatlantic wealth gap, cutting through the noise of tax rates and energy prices. His argument is most vulnerable where it assumes that the U.S. model of labor flexibility is the only path to innovation, potentially overlooking the social safety nets that allow European workers to transition between jobs. However, the evidence regarding the cost of failure in high-tech industries is undeniable. As the global economy shifts toward rapid iteration and disruption, the rigid labor protections that once defined European stability may well become its greatest liability.

Sources

Labor freedom is the best explanation for the us-europe income gap

by Richard Hanania · · Read full article

This is the third part in my series of articles against labor unions. See Part I clarifying concepts and showing how unions practically always require government coercion, meaning that they cannot be justified in a classical liberal framework. Part II relies on basic economic principles to explain why unions are a terrible way to help workers. After publishing those two pieces, I got distracted by other things and it’s now been 17 months. Sorry for keeping everyone waiting.

The impetus to finally write this article came from seeing the excellent essay “Why Europe Doesn’t Have a Tesla,” by Peter Garicano in Works in Progress (see also this podcast). In fact, it’s so good that I think he’s done much of the work for me, so I’m going to post large excerpts and share some additional thoughts.

One reason I hesitated to finish the third part of the series was that I wanted to write that labor laws are a large part of the explanation as to why the US is so much wealthier than Europe. This has always been a hunch, but I didn’t know if I could sufficiently prove it. Garicano’s article has helped convince me that I am correct, and if anything I underestimated the degree to which labor laws hold Europe back.

Before I start, I want to note two things. First, I now realize that in the earlier articles of this series I focused too narrowly on labor unions. They’re very bad, but the issue is actually broader and is really about having a free market in labor. You could have a country with no unions but that nonetheless enacts worker protections that are terrible for individual liberty and growth. Labor unions are a mechanism through which countries get bad policy. But governments often do many of the same things through legislation. It’s important to be anti-labor union, but you should just as strongly be against worker protections that mimic what unions do.

Second, I arrive at the view that the free market in labor is key to the US-Europe wealth gap partly through a process of elimination. Americans do much better than Europeans, but the US is not clearly economically freer in most areas. For example, Heritage’s 2025 index of economic freedom puts it behind eleven European countries. The US is ranked 27th in the world in overall economic freedom, but 3rd in labor freedom. ...