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The logic behind low teacher salaries

Mike Petrilli tackles a counterintuitive truth that many education reformers ignore: schools often choose to keep teacher salaries low not because they lack funds, but because parents and teachers themselves demand smaller classes and extra support staff instead. This piece cuts through the standard "pay teachers more" rhetoric to reveal the complex market dynamics and political trade-offs that keep wages stagnant, offering a nuanced look at why simply throwing money at salaries hasn't historically moved the needle on student achievement.

The Invisible Salary, The Visible Class Size

The core of Petrilli's argument is that schools are responding to a clear, albeit invisible, consumer preference. While polls suggest parents want higher teacher pay, their actual behavior in school choice markets tells a different story. Petrilli notes that "the same trend (greater investment in people than salaries) shows up in private schools," pointing out that expensive private institutions are often "full of moderate-salary teachers in very small classes." This observation reframes the problem from one of greed or mismanagement to one of market demand.

The logic behind low teacher salaries

He argues that for parents, class sizes and support services are tangible, while salaries are abstract. "While parents might tell pollsters that they think teachers should be paid more, when it comes to their own kids' schools, salaries are invisible while class sizes and extra services are all too apparent." This is a powerful insight into the "cafeteria of school services" that families prioritize. However, this market response doesn't necessarily mean the current allocation is optimal for long-term educational quality.

"Paying teachers well without giving them the tools, coaching, and cognitive science grounding to be excellent at their craft is like giving a pilot a big raise and then cutting flight training."

Petrilli leans heavily on the perspective of Susie Miller Carello to argue that money alone is insufficient without professional development. The author suggests that "appreciation without preparation is not respect—it's abdication." This framing shifts the debate from a simple wage dispute to a professionalization issue. Critics might note that this argument risks letting underfunded systems off the hook by suggesting that better training can substitute for competitive wages, a trade-off that may not be sustainable in a tight labor market.

The Union Dilemma and the Rent-Seeking Trap

The commentary then pivots to the empirical evidence regarding unions and spending, a section where Petrilli navigates complex economic studies with care. He cites a study by Jason Cook, Stéphane Lavertu, and Corbin Miller which found that "districts facing union pressure increase teacher salaries and benefits, spend down reserves, and experience no student achievement gains." Conversely, districts that hired more teachers saw significant gains. This data suggests a short-term trade-off where higher pay for existing staff may crowd out the hiring of new teachers.

Petrilli brings in historical context to nuance this finding, referencing the 2011 Wisconsin Act 10, which reformed collective bargaining. He explains that while the reform had negative short-term impacts, it eventually allowed districts to "draw effective teachers from districts that kept rigid salary schedules." The author argues that the long-term solution requires a combination of higher pay and management flexibility. "In the long term, though, both higher teacher pay combined with management reforms... can yield benefits in terms of a stronger labor force." This distinction between short-term pain and long-term gain is crucial, though it relies on the assumption that political will exists to sustain such reforms.

"Teaching is an act of deliberate practice, not an act of inspiration."

This quote encapsulates Petrilli's view that the profession needs structural support, not just financial incentives. He argues that without "scaffolding of coaching and study, practice, and review," even talented teachers plateau. The argument holds weight because it aligns with evidence from successful charter networks that pair compensation with rigorous feedback loops. Yet, the challenge remains: how do you implement this in districts where the political economy favors the status quo?

The Political Economy of Low Pay

Finally, Petrilli addresses why the status quo persists, attributing it to a "political economy" where unions often prioritize the interests of older, more engaged members, such as generous health care benefits, over differentiated pay for new teachers. He suggests that "if we want higher, more differentiated pay for teachers, we're going to need to do it via prescriptive state policy." This moves the conversation from local budgeting to state-level mandates, citing Texas as a potential model.

The piece also touches on the broader landscape, including the impact of recent elections on charter schools and the leaky pipeline for high-achieving, low-income students. Petrilli highlights the stark disparity where these students are outnumbered 10-to-1 in top colleges a decade after third grade, largely due to "inequitable access to advanced learning opportunities." This connects the salary debate to the broader issue of resource allocation and equity.

"The link is to a study... 'Rent-Seeking through collective bargaining: Teachers unions and education production.'"

By invoking the concept of rent-seeking, Petrilli challenges the notion that union pressure always leads to better outcomes for students. He suggests that without management reforms, higher pay can simply be a transfer of resources that doesn't improve the product. This is a provocative stance that demands scrutiny, as it risks oversimplifying the complex role unions play in protecting working conditions that also benefit students.

Bottom Line

Petrilli's strongest move is reframing low teacher salaries not as a failure of will, but as a rational response to market demands for smaller classes and support services. His biggest vulnerability is the assumption that management reforms and state mandates can easily override these entrenched preferences. The reader should watch for whether the proposed combination of higher pay and rigorous coaching can actually be scaled beyond successful charter networks to the broader public system.

Deep Dives

Explore these related deep dives:

  • 2011 Wisconsin Act 10

    The article directly references Wisconsin's Act 10 and its impact on teacher collective bargaining and pay structures. This legislation fundamentally changed public sector unions in Wisconsin and serves as a key case study in the education policy debate discussed.

  • Rent-seeking

    The article cites a study titled 'Rent-Seeking through collective bargaining' but doesn't explain the economic concept. Understanding rent-seeking behavior illuminates the critique of how unions may influence education spending in ways that don't benefit students.

Sources

The logic behind low teacher salaries

by Mike Petrilli · SCHOOLED · Read full article

On Tuesday, we teed up two questions related to teacher salaries. First, what’s the argument for and against paying teachers more instead of spending education dollars on other things? Second, if we want additional funding to translate into higher teacher pay, should reformers focus state advocacy on teacher compensation instead of school finance reform?

We’ll save the second question for next week, but see below for great comments about the first from Matt Barnum, Kevin Carey, Susie Miller Carello, David Griffith, and Stéphane Lavertu. Plus, we round up recent posts from the edu-sphere, including Nina Rees on her time working for Dick Cheney and Jed Wallace on the impact of Tuesday’s elections on charter schools.

Warning: This is a long one!

Sign up to receive this newsletter in your inbox on Tuesday and Friday mornings. SCHOOLED is free, but a few linked articles may be paywalled by other publications.

If it wasn’t clear on Tuesday, my own view is that schools and districts would be smart to invest more of their available resources in higher teacher pay, especially for exceptionally effective teachers, those serving in high-need schools, and those teaching in shortage areas. That would mean allowing class sizes to rise modestly, but also means doing without so many collateral staff, such as instructional aides, literacy coaches, tutors, and mental health counselors.

Yet few schools—in any sector—prioritize their budgets in this manner. Why is that?

As several respondents argue, schools may be responding to consumer demand. They are giving parents what they want.

On Bluesky, Matt Barnum noted:

The same trend (greater investment in people than salaries) shows up in private schools. For better or worse, this may reflect schools’ response to what parents want.

Kevin Carey said much the same:

The expensive private schools that rich people send their kids to are full of moderate-salary teachers in very small classes.

Matt agreed:

Exactly, and many schools of choice actively market their small classes/staffing ratios. This trend appears to be a market response—which doesn’t necessarily mean it’s optimal!—as much as anything else.

It makes sense. While parents might tell pollsters that they think teachers should be paid more, when it comes to their own kids’ schools, salaries are invisible while class sizes and extra services are all too apparent. Who doesn’t want tiny classes for their children, and tutoring as needed, wellness centers, and the other offerings in the ever-expanding ...