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Ultra-leftism won't help free palestine

Eric Blanc cuts through the noise of ceasefire negotiations to deliver a stark warning: a deal that merely pauses the bombing without ending the occupation is a trap, not a triumph. While the administration's latest proposal promises relief from the slaughter, the piece argues it risks codifying a permanent state of apartheid and erasing the very possibility of Palestinian self-determination. For those tracking the shift from moral outrage to political leverage, this analysis offers a crucial roadmap for what comes after the headlines fade.

The Illusion of a Deal

Blanc frames the current negotiations not as a breakthrough, but as a rebranding of the 2020 "Peace to Prosperity" vision, a plan designed to formalize Israeli control over Palestinian land. He draws on insights from scholars and organizers to argue that the proposed terms leave Palestinians in "enclaved bantustans" with no real sovereignty. The author writes, "This is an updated version of Trump's 2020 Peace to Prosperity vision — basically a plan to formally ratify the Israeli occupation and the de facto annexation of swathes of the West Bank."

Ultra-leftism won't help free palestine

The commentary highlights how the deal demands the disarmament of Hamas while offering no guarantee that Israel will withdraw its forces. This asymmetry is central to Blanc's critique. As he notes, "Under the guise of demilitarization, Israel will continue to target Palestinians when it deems necessary — just as it targets Lebanon today even after the ceasefire agreement with Hezbollah."

This framing is effective because it strips away the diplomatic euphemisms often used to describe such accords. It forces the reader to confront the reality that a "ceasefire" can exist alongside continued military occupation and the threat of renewed violence. Critics might argue that any reduction in immediate bloodshed is a moral imperative regardless of long-term political structures, but Blanc insists that accepting a deal that entrenches occupation is a strategic dead end for the liberation movement.

October 7 produced the exact opposite of what Hamas dreamily expected to achieve: more occupation, not less; the destruction rather than expansion of the Axis of Resistance; genocide and the total obliteration of Gaza.

The Human Cost of Political Calculus

The piece refuses to treat the devastation in Gaza as a mere backdrop for geopolitical maneuvering. Blanc emphasizes that the human toll—measured in the destruction of homes, hospitals, and an entire generation's future—cannot be dismissed as collateral damage for the sake of isolating Israel diplomatically. He quotes Bashir Abu-Manneh to underscore this point: "Mass trauma is a pathetically inadequate word for what Palestinians have experienced since October 7."

Blanc's argument here is that the Left must center Palestinian humanity over abstract strategic goals. The author suggests that while the isolation of Israel is a desired outcome, it should not come at the price of accepting a deal that leaves millions in a state of permanent dependency and vulnerability. The text argues that the current proposal offers a temporary halt to mass death but fails to address the root causes of the suffering.

This focus on the lived reality of civilians is the piece's moral anchor. It challenges the reader to look beyond the binary of "war vs. peace" and ask what kind of peace is actually being offered. If the peace is one where Palestinians remain trapped in ghettos without water, electricity, or security, is it truly peace? The author implies that such a distinction is vital for maintaining the integrity of the solidarity movement.

Building a Movement Beyond the Headlines

Perhaps the most actionable part of the commentary is its critique of the US pro-Palestine movement's current limitations. Blanc argues that despite widespread public outrage, the organized force is too weak to force a genuine shift in policy. He identifies a critical failure in strategy: the movement has often been too insular, relying on "security culture" and ideological purity rather than building broad coalitions.

The author writes, "It would require a greater number of leftists leaving their comfort zone of being a powerless opposition, protesting on the sidelines, expressing our moral outrage online. It would require joining united-front, inside–outside efforts to win a permanent ceasefire."

Blanc suggests that the movement needs to pivot from abstract debates about Zionism to concrete demands that resonate with the broader American public, such as cutting off military aid and redirecting funds to domestic needs. "Money for schools and health care in the US and Gaza— not bombs," he paraphrases the argument for linking foreign policy to domestic self-interest. This approach aims to transform the movement from a moral crusade into a political force capable of challenging the status quo.

A counterargument worth considering is whether this pragmatic approach dilutes the movement's radical potential or alienates the core base of activists who see the struggle as fundamentally anti-colonial. However, Blanc contends that without a mass base capable of exerting real pressure, radical purity achieves little on the ground.

If you oppose genocide and want the U.S. government to stop funding Israel's oppression of Palestinians, you belong in our movement.

Bottom Line

Blanc's strongest contribution is his refusal to accept a ceasefire as a victory if it fails to dismantle the structures of occupation and apartheid. The piece's greatest vulnerability lies in the immense difficulty of translating this broad, inclusive coalition-building strategy into immediate political reality against entrenched institutional interests. Readers should watch for whether the movement can successfully pivot from moral outrage to the hard work of legislative and economic pressure before the next round of violence erupts.

Sources

Ultra-leftism won't help free palestine

by Eric Blanc · Labor Politics · Read full article

Two years after October 7, public outrage against Israel is widespread, yet the US grassroots movement in solidarity with Palestine is nowhere near as powerful as it needs to be. While Trump’s ceasefire plan might provide relief from Israel’s genocidal onslaught, Gaza has been decimated, and the proposed deal would codify a vastly deteriorated situation for millions of Palestinians.

To discuss how American organizers might more effectively fight to support Palestinians’ rights to freedom and self-determination, I spoke with Bashir Abu-Manneh, who is writing a book provisionally entitled Disposable Palestinians, and Hoda Mitwally, a member of New York City Democratic Socialists of America and LSSA/UAW Local 2320 speaking in a personal capacity.

Eric: I want to focus our conversation on the strategies and tactics necessary for Americans to effectively support Palestine, but we should first briefly address the current negotiations. We’ll see whether Israel again scuttles a deal, but as of this writing, it seems like we’re closer than before to a negotiated ceasefire agreement. What’s your impression of Trump’s proposal, reactions to it on the ground, and what the deal says about the relationship of forces in Palestine, Israel, and the US?

Bashir: This is an updated version of Trump’s 2020 Peace to Prosperity vision — basically a plan to formally ratify the Israeli occupation and the de facto annexation of swathes of the West Bank, leaving Palestinians in enclaved bantustans with a series of humiliating conditionalities to meet before calling the ghettos a “state,” if ever. Back then, it was seen as a total victory for Israel’s occupation and biblical messianic worldview, while providing no rights for the Palestinians.

Given that the architect of the 2020 vision, Jared Kushner, also drafted the current ceasefire proposal, it’s no surprise the new ceasefire declaration rehashes the same logic. There’s one proviso: now the conditions are infinitely worse for Palestinians after October 7. Gaza is flattened and destroyed, and the West Bank is dangerously edging toward Gazafication.

According to the deal, Gaza will be demilitarized. Hamas will either leave or surrender, with no guarantee Israel will ever withdraw from Gaza or stop military operations there. Under the guise of demilitarization, Israel will continue to target Palestinians when it deems necessary — just as it targets Lebanon today even after the ceasefire agreement with Hezbollah, a far more powerful group than Hamas.

In fact, Hamas is expected to trade the hostages upfront ...