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Against open-access admissions policies for colleges and universities

In a landscape where high school graduation rates hover near 90 percent, Mike Petrilli asks the uncomfortable question that most policymakers avoid: are we celebrating a genuine educational triumph or merely certifying attendance? This piece cuts through the noise of recent debates to argue that the American diploma has lost its currency, becoming a hollow signal that fails to distinguish between a student who has mastered core skills and one who has simply shown up. For busy leaders trying to make sense of workforce readiness and college preparedness, Petrilli's intervention is vital because it shifts the focus from the quantity of graduates to the quality of the credential itself.

The Crisis of the Hollow Diploma

Petrilli opens by highlighting a stark reality: the vast majority of states have abandoned the exit exams that once ensured a baseline of competence. He writes, "At last count, we will shortly have only six or so states that still require students to pass a high school exit assessment to graduate." This erosion of standards has led to a situation where the diploma is essentially a "certificate of attendance and minimal demonstration of learning." The author contrasts this with the British system, specifically the A-level and GCSE exams, to illustrate a more transparent linkage between performance and future opportunity. He notes that in England, "the motivation was immediate: Different institutions of higher education made entry subject to achieving specific grades in specific subjects."

Against open-access admissions policies for colleges and universities

This comparison is not just a nostalgic look at foreign systems; it is a structural critique of American ambiguity. Petrilli argues that the US system suffers from a "muddle of grades, end-of-course grades, and/or state testing requirements and ACT/SAT" that obscures what students actually know. By pointing out that the British system allows students to "link those strengths directly with future options," he suggests that transparency is a form of equity that the US has abandoned. Critics might argue that importing a rigid testing culture from the UK ignores the unique diversity and scale of the American public school system, potentially penalizing students who thrive in non-standardized environments. However, Petrilli's point is not about the specific test, but about the clarity of the signal sent to employers and colleges.

The diploma has essentially become a certificate of attendance and minimal demonstration of learning, signified by achieving an inflated C grade in core subjects.

Historical Echoes and the Balance of Standards

The discussion deepens when Petrilli brings in the perspective of Doug Harris, who contextualizes the current debate within a longer historical arc. Harris reminds us that the "current" standards movement was driven by similar concerns about declining scores and equity back in the 1970s, echoing the alarmist tone of the 1983 report A Nation at Risk. Petrilli uses this historical parallel to suggest that the tension between access and rigor is not new, but the stakes have shifted. Harris argues that "standards have always entailed a balance," noting that while more education is generally good, standards are necessary to ensure degrees actually signal success.

Petrilli synthesizes these views to propose a "tiered degree system" as a pragmatic solution. This approach would maintain a relatively low bar for a standard diploma while creating "special diplomas" or seals for students who meet higher, rigorous benchmarks. The logic is compelling: it avoids the political fallout of denying diplomas to struggling students while still providing a meaningful credential for those who excel. As Petrilli notes, this creates incentives for higher achievement without closing the door on those who need more time or different pathways. The argument gains weight when considering that the rise in graduation rates was largely a pre-pandemic trend driven by federal accountability metrics, suggesting that the recent drop in grading standards is a separate, compounding issue.

The Carrot, Not the Stick

Moving beyond the diagnosis, Petrilli explores the operational mechanics of raising the bar without breaking the system. Chad Aldeman's contribution is pivotal here, distinguishing between high-stakes exit exams and end-of-course assessments that are weighted into the final grade. Aldeman prefers the latter, arguing that "exit exams represented a high-stakes barrier to a diploma, but they weren't connected to any particular class or content area." Petrilli champions Aldeman's "carrot approach," where students who pass a rigorous curriculum and achieve a certain score on standardized tests receive a special diploma that guarantees university admission and exempts them from remedial courses.

This strategy addresses the "universality problem" where employers treat the high school diploma as a bare minimum, making policymakers reluctant to withhold it. By creating a distinct, valuable credential for high performers, the system can signal true readiness. Petrilli pushes this further by questioning the logic of "open-access" admissions for students who are functionally illiterate. He draws a sharp comparison to the military, noting that "the military doesn't accept a high school diploma as high enough for enlistees," requiring a specific proficiency score even for low-skill roles. He asks the rhetorical question that defines the piece's urgency: "How can it be that your reading proficiency can be too low to keep you from working a food service job in the Army but not from attending college?"

How can it be that your reading proficiency can be too low to keep you from working a food service job in the Army but not from attending college?

Critics might argue that this focus on testing and specific scores ignores the systemic barriers that prevent many students from reaching those benchmarks, potentially reinforcing existing inequalities. Petrilli acknowledges the need for "credit recovery" crackdowns to ensure that the path to the diploma requires genuine perseverance, but the tension between raising standards and ensuring access remains the central friction point of the debate.

The Bottom Line

Petrilli's strongest argument lies in his refusal to accept the status quo of the high school diploma as a meaningful signal of competence; he correctly identifies that a credential without a standard is a liability for both students and the economy. The piece's greatest vulnerability is its reliance on a tiered system that, without robust support structures, could inadvertently stigmatize students on the lower track. The next critical step for the field is not just debating the existence of these tiers, but defining the rigorous, transparent metrics that will make the higher tiers truly valuable. The administration and state leaders must decide if they are willing to prioritize the integrity of the credential over the comfort of universal graduation rates.

Deep Dives

Explore these related deep dives:

  • A Nation at Risk

    Directly referenced in the article as a pivotal 1983 report that shaped the standards and accountability movement in American education. Understanding this report provides essential context for the current debate about graduation standards.

  • A-level

    The British A-level examination system is extensively discussed by David Steiner as a contrasting model to American high school standards. Readers would benefit from understanding how this tiered examination system works.

  • GCSE

    The GCSE is presented in the article as an example of a rigorous tenth-grade standard that creates transparent linkages between academic performance and future pathways, directly relevant to the proposed reforms.

Sources

Against open-access admissions policies for colleges and universities

by Mike Petrilli · SCHOOLED · Read full article

Good morning, friends, and greetings from Columbus, Ohio, where the Fordham Institute board and senior staff are meeting today. Thomas B. Fordham lived and made his fortune in Ohio about a century ago, and we now serve as an education reform advocacy group and a charter school authorizer in the Buckeye State.

Today we wrap up our debate on high school graduation rates with comments from David Steiner, Doug Harris, Chad Aldeman, and David Griffith—which, in my view, point to low or non-existent college admissions standards as the real problem we need to tackle. Plus we highlight recent posts by Denise Forte, Nat Malkus, Andy Rotherham, Karen Vaites, Shaka Mitchell, David Nitkin, Chad Aldeman, and Alli Aldis, and catch up on Fordham’s Wonkathon—about how states can best implement their science of reading laws—with entries from Peter Greer, Bridget Cherry, and Amy Rhyne.

Sign up to receive this newsletter in your inbox on Tuesday and Friday mornings. SCHOOLED is free, but a few linked articles may be paywalled by other publications.

It’s arguably never been easier to graduate from high school in America than it is today. Are we OK with that?.

David Steiner:

Just a quick level-set. At last count, we will shortly have only six or so states that still require students to pass a high school exit assessment to graduate, and a few more that still require end-of-course tests. Even the number six is misleading: In Maryland, for example, students who fail the state test can take the “Bridge Project” instead. In Baltimore, about a third of students graduate through this method, with no data available on failure rates. With national graduation rates approaching 90 percent, the diploma has essentially become a certificate of attendance and minimal demonstration of learning, signified by achieving an inflated C grade in core subjects (in most states).

In countries such as England (where I grew up), the A-level exam, taken at the end of high school, was graded A to E, with U as the failing grade below an E. The motivation was immediate: Different institutions of higher education made entry subject to achieving specific grades in specific subjects.

But not everyone takes A levels. Compulsory education in purely academic subjects ends at 16 years old with the taking of the GCSE level exams in multiple subjects. Depending on their grades, students can then take a variety of CTE tracks (called VTQ ...