← Back to Library

Why can two cities host the Olympics now?

Dave Amos doesn't just report on the Milan Cortina 2026 Winter Olympics; he identifies a fundamental fracture in the century-old model of the Games. The most striking claim isn't that two cities are hosting, but that the International Olympic Committee has quietly admitted the old way is broken. Amos argues that the shift from a single host city to a multi-city, regional model is not a creative flourish, but a desperate necessity born from a global lack of interest and the impossible financial burden of modern sports. This is a story about how the Olympics are finally being forced to fit the world, rather than forcing the world to fit the Olympics.

The Death of the Single Host

The core of Amos's argument rests on the stark reality that cities are simply no longer willing to pay the price of admission. He notes that while the past saw four or five serious bids from three continents, the landscape has shifted dramatically. "By 2017, it was clear that cities were no longer interested in hosting the Olympics," Amos writes. This observation is the pivot point for the entire piece. The International Olympic Committee (IOC) realized that the traditional bidding war was a relic of a bygone era where prestige outweighed cost.

Why can two cities host the Olympics now?

In response, the governing body has fundamentally rewritten the rules. Amos explains that the IOC has "eased up on the rules for bidding, including the one city rule," allowing entire regions or countries to step up. This is a massive departure from history. The author highlights the 2030 Winter Olympics bid, where the winning entry wasn't a city at all, but the "French Alps 2030," a regional consortium. Similarly, the 2034 Games are branded as "Utah 2034," acknowledging that a single municipality cannot shoulder the load. This reframing is effective because it moves the conversation from "who wants to host?" to "how can we make this work?"

"The trend continues in 2034. The winter games will be back in Salt Lake City, but it's officially called Utah 2034, not Salt Lake City 2034. This acknowledges that it's the entire state hosting, not one city."

Critics might argue that diluting the brand to a region or state weakens the civic pride that has traditionally fueled the Games. However, Amos suggests this is a pragmatic evolution rather than a decline. The alternative, he implies, is a world where no one bids at all.

The Logistics of Excess

Why has the single-city model collapsed? Amos points to the sheer, unmanageable scale of modern events. The Games have ballooned, adding diverse sports like golf, surfing, and sport climbing, which require specialized, often non-existent venues. He illustrates this with the bobsled track, a highly specialized facility where there are only 17 operational tracks globally. "The reality is that there are only 17 total tracks currently in operation around the world," Amos notes, adding that most were built specifically for a single Games and then abandoned. This specialization creates a logistical nightmare for any single municipality.

The housing crisis is equally daunting. Amos details how the Paris Olympic Village required 4,000 rooms in a suburb because no space existed within the city proper. "The Paris Olympic Village featured 4,000 rooms that housed 14,500 athletes and staff," he writes, emphasizing that the infrastructure demands now exceed the physical capacity of most urban centers. The argument here is compelling: the Games have outgrown the city. The multi-city model is the only way to distribute these specialized venues and massive housing needs without bankrupting a single local government.

The Cost of Prestige

Perhaps the most damning evidence Amos presents is the financial history of the Games. The dream of a profitable Olympics, fueled by the 1984 Los Angeles success, has largely proven to be a mirage. Amos writes, "The 2014 Winter Olympics in Sochi were the most expensive games ever, costing $51 billion," while noting that even more common games often leave taxpayers with billions in debt, as seen in Rio and Athens. The financial risk has become the primary deterrent for potential hosts.

The new model attempts to mitigate this by having the IOC share the burden. Amos points out that for Milan Cortina, the IOC is contributing "nearly a billion dollars," which is a significant portion of the $1.6 billion budget. "This is again why the Milan Cortina Games represents a shift in hosting the games. It's incredibly cost effective in part by using existing venues throughout northern Italy and the IOC is picking up the tab for nearly half of the proposed budget." This financial intervention is crucial; without it, the regional model might still be too expensive for most places. The author effectively argues that the IOC is finally acting as a partner rather than just a beneficiary.

"Many host cities bid based on promises of upgraded airports, extended transit lines, and new public spaces. How does this new era of games affect this urban development? And is this urban development a thing that is actually helpful at all?"

Infrastructure: The Real Legacy

Amos shifts his focus to the long-term impact on cities, suggesting that the Games might still serve as a catalyst for urban improvement, even if the hosting model changes. He highlights the New York City bid for the 2012 Games as a case study in "hosting without hosting." Although New York lost to London, the city proceeded with infrastructure plans like the Hudson Yards development and the extension of the subway line. "New York did things like build the Olympic Village in Long Island City anyway," Amos explains, noting that the bid process provided the political momentum to get these projects approved.

However, the author is careful not to paint this as an unalloyed good. He warns that the rush to meet Olympic deadlines can lead to "cut corners on things like environmental review and mitigation" and that projects may be "geared for visitors and travelers than residents." A counterargument worth considering is that the pressure to deliver for the Games often exacerbates gentrification, as seen in Rio, where poor residents saw little benefit from the upgrades. Amos acknowledges this tension, noting that public opposition in cities like Oslo and Munich has finally begun to influence the IOC's decisions. The lesson here is that the infrastructure legacy is real, but its benefits are not guaranteed to the local population.

Bottom Line

Dave Amos delivers a compelling case that the era of the single-city Olympics is over, replaced by a pragmatic, regional approach born of financial necessity and logistical reality. His strongest evidence lies in the detailed breakdown of venue specialization and the historical cost overruns that have scared off bidders. The piece's biggest vulnerability is its reliance on the assumption that the IOC's increased financial support and the regional model will be sufficient to overcome deep-seated public skepticism about the Games' value. As the Milan Cortina Games unfold, they will serve as the ultimate stress test for this new, fragmented future.

Sources

Why can two cities host the Olympics now?

by Dave Amos · City Beautiful · Watch video

The Milan Cortina 2026 Winter Olympics represents a new a in hosting the games. It's the first Olympics officially hosted by two cities. This is quite a change. It's always been one city per Olympics.

This is particularly interesting because the city of Cortina Dempzo has hosted the Olympic Games Solo before back in 1956. The two cities are also quite far apart, over 400 km, and events will be held in four clusters throughout the Italian Alps. The closing ceremony will actually be held in a third city, Verona, in a Roman coliseum built in 30 AD. Why did the International Olympic Committee allow this and why now?

Well, simply put, there wasn't much interest in hosting the 2026 Olympics. In the end, only two bids materialized, Stockholm A and Milan Cortina. But this wasn't always the case. Historically, it was common to see four to five serious bids in the final vote, often representing at least three continents.

In 1998, Nagago beat out four other bids. Salt Lake City beat out three others. But by 2017, it was clear that cities were no longer interested in hosting the Olympics. We'll get to why that is later in the video.

But the IOC saw fewer and fewer bids with more cities withdrawing bids late in the process. In response, the IOC changed the bidding process. First, they eased up on the rules for bidding, including the one city rule. Now, multiple cities, entire regions, or even countries can bid on the games.

The host city contract is now simply called the host contract. Second, the IOC now plays a more active role in shephering bids through the process. They work with interested candidates earlier and even admit that future host decisions may not even be a vote between two cities, but the IOC simply affirming the most promising candidate that made it through the host selection process. This actually occurred for the bidding of the 2030 Winter Olympics.

There was no competitive vote at the end. Only one bid made it through the process, though there were three other interested cities. And the winning bid wasn't for a city or pair of cities. It was for an entire region.

French Alps 2030. The games will be hosted in four clusters, including one in Nice on the Mediterranean. The trend continues in 2034. The winter games will be back in ...