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Judge foreign policy decisions by their immediate impacts

Richard Hanania challenges a deeply ingrained habit of foreign policy analysis: the refusal to judge actions until decades have passed. He argues that waiting for the "long view" is not wisdom, but a convenient shield for critics to avoid accountability for immediate, tangible outcomes. By applying a "stop the tape" methodology to current events, he forces a reckoning with the actual data available today rather than speculative futures.

The Fallacy of the Long View

Hanania dismantles the popular anecdote attributed to Zhou Enlai, which suggests that Eastern wisdom requires a centuries-long perspective to judge events like the French Revolution. He points out the historical inaccuracy of the story and the logical flaw in the argument itself. "The further away we get from the French Revolution, the less certain its impacts become," Hanania writes. He illustrates this by asking whether we should judge the revolution in 1943 or 1991, noting that the narrative shifts wildly depending on the arbitrary endpoint chosen. This critique is sharp because it exposes how the "long view" often serves as a post-hoc rationalization rather than a genuine analytical tool.

Judge foreign policy decisions by their immediate impacts

The author draws a parallel to historical debates about Christianity, referencing Bryan Ward-Perkins' work on the fall of Rome. He notes that "as Christianity took over Europe, living standards and the state of technological development plummeted," yet modern apologists often grant the faith a "thousand-year mulligan" to ignore the collapse of civilization that followed. This comparison effectively highlights the double standard applied to political interventions: we demand immediate proof of success for military actions but allow historical forces centuries to "prove" their worth.

"The alleged Chinese perspective is really dumb. The further away we get from the French Revolution, the less certain its impacts become."

Critics might argue that immediate market reactions or short-term political shifts are volatile and do not reflect structural changes, but Hanania counters that these immediate signals represent the collective wisdom of those with "skin in the game."

The Immediate Verdict on Venezuela

Turning to current events, Hanania applies this framework to the intervention in Venezuela involving the arrest of Delcy Rodríguez. He contrasts the current reality with the skepticism of just two months ago, noting that Rodríguez has since welcomed foreign investors, reformed energy laws, and engaged with American officials. "I'm ready to declare Venezuela a success," he states, citing polling data that shows overwhelming support for the raid among Venezuelans. This is a bold move, as it rejects the standard diplomatic caution that demands a multi-year track record before declaring a policy a victory.

He bolsters this claim with financial data, pointing out that the Venezuelan stock market skyrocketed 260% in the weeks following the raid. Hanania invokes economist Scott Sumner's approach to the Great Depression, arguing that "people with skin in the game take into account all foreseeable circumstances at the time an event occurs." By treating the market's immediate reaction as a rational assessment of future stability, he argues that the intervention has already delivered a net positive. The argument gains weight by refusing to wait for a hypothetical counterfactual where the status quo ante might have persisted.

The Cost-Benefit Analysis of War with Iran

The analysis shifts to the war with Iran, where the data is more mixed. Hanania acknowledges the immediate economic pain, noting that the S&P 500 dropped about 2% shortly after the bombing began. He calculates the global economic damage at a staggering $36 trillion in lost equity value. "Was $36 trillion in lost value worth a twenty-five-percentage point increase in regime change, and a weaker Iran regardless?" he asks. This framing forces a direct trade-off between abstract geopolitical goals and concrete economic destruction.

He argues that while the war increased the probability of regime change from 36% to 61%, the cost was disproportionately high. "Since $144 trillion is greater than the entire yearly GDP of the world, we have to say no," he concludes regarding the hypothetical cost of a guaranteed regime change. This calculation is the piece's most provocative element, as it attempts to quantify the value of human lives and geopolitical stability in purely financial terms. However, this approach risks oversimplifying the moral weight of national security and the potential long-term benefits of removing a hostile regime, which may not be fully captured in equity markets.

"You usually can't call a war a failure if it's only been going on for a few weeks and much about its trajectory remains up in the air, but a raid that is carried out and only seems to have positive results within the next few months can be declared a success."

Hanania suggests a pragmatic rule: if the record is mixed, reserve judgment, but set a hard time limit. He proposes that the war with Iran should be judged within a year, specifically by whether the Strait of Hormuz is reopened or if the closure persists long enough to justify the initial market drop. This creates a clear, actionable metric for success or failure, moving away from the endless "wait and see" that often paralyzes policy debates.

Bottom Line

Hanania's most compelling contribution is his insistence that the "long view" is often a crutch for indecision, and that immediate economic and political signals provide a valid, if imperfect, basis for judgment. His willingness to declare the Venezuela intervention a success based on short-term data challenges the status quo, even as his financial calculus on the Iran war highlights the immense risks of military escalation. The argument's greatest vulnerability lies in its reliance on market efficiency and short-term indicators, which may not fully capture the complex, non-linear realities of regime change and long-term regional stability.

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Judge foreign policy decisions by their immediate impacts

by Richard Hanania · · Read full article

There’s a story that in 1972, Zhou Enlai told Henry Kissinger that it was too early to judge the impact of the French Revolution. As it turned out, this was a misunderstanding, and Zhou was actually talking about the 1968 student protests in France.

Regardless of what really happened, when the story is mistold, it is held up as a demonstration of Eastern wisdom, reflecting the Chinese propensity to take a very long view of history. Simple Westerners only think about immediate impacts; much wiser Oriental leaders take a wait-and-see approach and then draw more lasting lessons.

Yet the alleged Chinese perspective is really dumb. The further away we get from the French Revolution, the less certain its impacts become. Did the French Revolution cause Bolshevism? Or maybe we can say that the nationalism it fostered in fact brought down the Soviet Union? Do we stop and judge in 1943 or 1991? Things will look very different depending on which year we choose. You can make a good historical argument that the French Revolution caused Napoleon. But to get from that event to World War I, there are too many uncertainties to come up with any kind of reasonable counterfactual.

I’ve been thinking about this fake piece of Chinese wisdom while participating in the discussion about Venezuela. Right now, it looks like things are going well. I remember what the debates were like two months ago, and if anyone told you that soon Delcy Rodriguez would welcome back foreign investors, reform energy laws toward American preferences, amnesty or release large numbers of prisoners, and be kissing up to Trump on social media and yucking it up with Doug Burgum, they would’ve said you were dreaming. Moreover, public opinion polling shows that Venezuelans overwhelmingly support the raid. Any American leader would’ve taken that over the status quo ante. For that reason, I’m ready to declare Venezuela a success. On Iran, I’ll continue to reserve judgment until at least a few more months.

This reminds me of a debate scholars have had over the generations about the role Christianity has played in the history of the world. Sometimes you’ll hear writers argue that the faith is responsible for all good things that have happened in Western civilization over the last few centuries. I’ve always found this odd, since as Christianity took over Europe, living standards and the state of technological development plummeted, ...