← Back to Library

On political power

Most political analysis treats power as a formal appointment—a seat in Congress, a CEO title, or a regulatory mandate. Henrik Karlsson challenges this sanitized view by arguing that true political operators treat power like a resource to be "fracked," extracting it from the smallest, most overlooked social crevices. This piece is essential reading because it reframes the mechanics of governance not as a clash of ideologies, but as a ruthless optimization game where the rules of society are merely the software to be hacked.

The Mechanics of Extraction

Karlsson draws heavily on Robert Caro's biographies to illustrate that the most effective leaders do not wait for authority; they manufacture it from the mundane. He writes, "To them, power is something you frack, something you force out of the stone by pumping fluid into the cracks." This metaphor is striking because it strips away the dignity of public office, revealing a process that is industrial, invasive, and entirely transactional. The author argues that while normal people view relationships, jobs, and favors as complex bundles of social value, political technicians see only leverage.

On political power

The piece details how Lyndon Johnson, long before he held national office, treated a teaching job not as a career but as a tool for control. Karlsson notes that Johnson would orchestrate resignations at the worst possible moments to place his allies in positions of dependency. "When he quits a position, he does it in such a way that he can pass the job on to one of his friends," Karlsson explains. This creates a cadre of loyalists bound not by ideology, but by the debt of their employment. The commentary here is vital: it exposes how the "back door" to power is often built from a thousand small, seemingly innocent favors that accumulate into an unstoppable force.

"To any normal person, these drops are so small that they barely register, and anyway, it feels wrong to treat someone's mom as a reservoir to frack. But Caro's subjects are willing to do anything to win, so they will, so to speak, pump fracking fluid into the ground."

This framing forces the reader to confront the moral cost of efficiency. The author suggests that the "hacker mindset" allows figures like Johnson and Robert Moses to bypass the intended function of institutions. Moses, for instance, realized that public authorities—meant to be temporary vehicles for bridge funding—could be structured to exist indefinitely, generating a private empire of power without ever holding elected office. Karlsson writes, "In this way, Moses, a public employee who never held an elected office, became something bordering on a dictator." This is a chilling reminder that the most dangerous concentrations of power often operate in the blind spots of democratic oversight.

The Cost of Optimization

The essay's most profound insight lies in its comparison of political power to the way social media companies optimize for attention. Karlsson argues that when a single variable is optimized ruthlessly, the entire system warps. He observes, "Normal people care about a lot of things... But someone like Johnson only cared about power, so he is able to optimize that much harder." This singular focus allows for incredible efficacy but produces catastrophic side effects for the rest of society.

The author draws a direct line between this optimization and the erosion of democratic norms. Just as social media algorithms restructured human connection by isolating attention from context, political operators restructure governance by isolating power from accountability. Karlsson writes, "The attempt to capture and control attention changed how communities form... and undermined the trust that had held society together." He applies this same logic to Johnson, noting that while the President's drive for power led to genuine achievements like rural electrification, it also "precipitated the collapse of trust in government" and fueled a war that resulted in massive loss of life.

Critics might argue that this "fracking" metaphor is too cynical, ignoring the genuine public service and moral conviction that often accompany political ambition. Many leaders do care about ethics, community, and status, not just raw leverage. However, Karlsson's point is that the system rewards those who ignore these complexities. The argument holds weight because it explains why well-intentioned reforms often fail: the operators who succeed are those who treat the system as a glitch to be exploited, not a machine to be maintained.

"It is like being in a game where someone else is speedrunning, pushing the game engine to glitch in ways suitable for them: you, as a normal person, will be going about your days, but there will be these odd, seemingly unconnected bugs happening—the world around you will be changing in strange ways."

This analogy is particularly effective for a modern audience familiar with the disorienting speed of technological change. It suggests that the public is often left bewildered by sudden shifts in policy or power dynamics, unaware that a "speedrunner" has been manipulating the underlying code for years. The human cost of this manipulation is not abstract; as Karlsson bluntly states, "When that alignment broke, Johnson, just as eagerly, destroyed the lives of people. Before he was forced out as a president, his exponential accumulation of power had led to the killing of more than a million people." The text refuses to let the reader look away from the violence that underpins the game of power.

The Necessity of Realism

Ultimately, Karlsson contends that the sanitized view of power taught in schools is dangerous because it leaves citizens naive. He argues that conspiracy theories about evil elites are equally flawed because they rely on mystery rather than mechanics. What is needed, he suggests, is a clear-eyed understanding of how the game is actually played. "The official story about the expression of the collective will and so on is largely a fiction, but the institutions and rules still matter a lot," Karlsson writes. Institutions serve as the only check on the "runaway loops of power grabbing" that occur when individuals optimize for power above all else.

"The sanitized view of power and institutions that I was taught in school is misleading and provides a cover behind which political operators can hide."

This call for realism is the piece's strongest contribution. It does not ask readers to despair, but to wake up. By understanding that power is extracted from the cracks of society, citizens can better identify when their institutions are being hacked. The author implies that democracy is not a self-correcting machine, but a fragile construct that requires constant vigilance against those who would treat it as a video game to be speedrun.

Bottom Line

Henrik Karlsson delivers a masterful dissection of political mechanics, successfully arguing that power is not a static asset but a dynamic resource extracted through ruthless optimization. While the essay risks reducing complex human motivations to a single vector, its warning about the fragility of institutions against "hacker" operators is urgent and necessary. The reader should watch for the ways modern policy debates are being shaped not by public will, but by those who have learned to exploit the hidden code of the system.

The Forgotten Cost

The most haunting element of this analysis is its refusal to separate political success from human suffering. By linking the accumulation of power directly to the deaths of over a million people in Vietnam, Karlsson forces a reckoning that most political biographies avoid. The "game" of power is not abstract; the glitches it creates have real, bloody consequences. This is the piece's enduring value: it strips away the romance of leadership to reveal the cold, hard machinery underneath.

Sources

On political power

by Henrik Karlsson · · Read full article

From Lessons in Darkness, Werner Herzog, 1992.

I recently reread The Path to Power, the first part of the biography of President Lyndon Johnson, which Robert Caro has been working on since 1976. Before I first read Caro seven years ago, my understanding of how political power works was, as I recall it, very limited and flawed. I thought about power—to the extent I thought about it at all—in abstract and formal terms, along the lines of how it was explained in school. There were branches of government vested with different kinds of powers, and rules and laws governing how they can be used and by whom. If you got elected to a public office, you gained power; if you got a job as CEO, you gained another sort of power, and so on.

In Caro’s biographies, it is clear that the real political operators don’t think about it like this at all. To them, power is something you frack, something you force out of the stone by pumping fluid into the cracks. If you pay close attention, you will discover that there are drops of power everywhere—in the good feelings someone’s mother holds for you, in being able to get your college friend a job, in knowing embarrassing facts about your mentor, in having someone’s trust, and so on. To any normal person, these drops are so small that they barely register, and anyway, it feels wrong to treat someone’s mom as a reservoir to frack. But Caro’s subjects are willing to do anything to win, so they will, so to speak, pump fracking fluid into the ground. They will press it into every little crevice, forcing drops of power mixed with sand to the surface. And as it turns out, if you extract all the small things and pool them together, it can be a massive reserve of power, indeed.

It is not that the political “technicians” don’t care about the official sources of power—Lyndon B. Johnson is willing to do anything to become president, however appalling and degrading to himself or others. But a presidency, or a senate seat, or a seat in congress—that is like a big, well surveyed oil field. It will be intensely competed over, unlike the smaller crevices of power. And unless you have been able to frack enormous amounts, being elected to office is of limited use. Kennedy, for instance, struggled to ...