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Do the YIMBYs want to do politics or not?

Freddie deBoer cuts through the noise of online housing debates to deliver a stinging critique: the YIMBY movement has abandoned actual politics for performative outrage, alienating the very voters needed to win. While much of the discourse focuses on density metrics or zoning codes, deBoer argues that the movement's refusal to take environmental concerns or neighborhood character seriously is a strategic suicide pact. This piece matters because it exposes why decades of housing reform have stalled—not due to a lack of data, but because advocates are busy mocking their opponents rather than persuading them.

The Cost of Dismissal

deBoer opens by highlighting a critical blind spot in the YIMBY strategy: the tendency to treat sincere opposition as mere stupidity or conspiracy. He points to a British critic who noted that YIMBYs unnecessarily demonized local environmentalists, failed to prioritize areas of greatest need, and became too cozy with profit-driven developers. deBoer writes, "These all seem like valid takes - indeed, they reflect generic problems that YIMBYs would do well to take seriously." Instead of engaging with these points, the movement responded with dismissal.

Do the YIMBYs want to do politics or not?

The author argues that this reaction reveals a deeper flaw in how modern movements operate on social media. When critics suggest that protecting wetlands or threatened species is a legitimate political priority, YIMBYs often respond by asking why anyone would care about "newts." deBoer notes, "That's not politics; it is, in fact, anti-politics, in-group signaling nihilism of the worst kind." By treating deeply held values as worthless, advocates ensure they will never build a coalition large enough to pass legislation.

Scare quotes aren't an argument, guys. You have to get past the in-group signaling. People highly value the attributes you keep performatively dismissing.

This framing is particularly effective because it challenges the assumption that economic logic alone should drive housing policy. deBoer illustrates this with Litchfield County, Connecticut, a place where residents pay a premium for "neighborhood character" and undeveloped green space despite being far from major job centers. He argues, "Perhaps people actually sincerely believe in the value of protecting environmental resources, huh? They'll pay an awful lot for that sort of thing." Critics might note that market prices can also reflect exclusionary zoning that keeps housing unaffordable, but deBoer's point stands: you cannot ignore what people value simply because it conflicts with your preferred outcome.

The Trap of Moralizing

The piece takes a sharp turn to examine how the movement has shifted from pragmatic policy analysis to moral condemnation. deBoer recalls that early YIMBYism was valuable precisely because it refused to moralize, viewing NIMBYs as rational actors responding to bad incentives rather than wicked enemies. He writes, "Your house is the most consequential purchase you'll ever make in your life... It's totally rational for people living under such conditions to fight hard to maintain the status quo where they live." This approach acknowledged that for many Americans, their home is their primary asset and wealth-building mechanism.

However, deBoer contends that the movement has lost its way. "In general, YIMBYs have a terrible track record of refusing to grapple with the fact that many people deeply disagree with them on core issues." By defining the worth of neighborhood character or open space at literally zero, advocates create a debate where they act "agog that anyone could object to their calculus." This mirrors tactics often criticized in other progressive circles, where holding certain views becomes a litmus test for belonging rather than a subject for negotiation.

If you want to change the rules, you need to do politics, and to do politics you have to index on what your opponents think too.

The author draws a parallel to the broader failure of progressive movements that demand ideological purity. He suggests that showing up in spaces already committed to progressivism and loudly demanding specific behaviors creates a "local maximum" of influence that fails to reach the wider electorate. deBoer writes, "Most people are not committed to the YIMBY agenda... they will recoil if you tell them that it involves eliminating local control and taking an axe to their property values." This is a crucial distinction: policy success requires broad appeal, not just the validation of an online echo chamber.

A Path Forward Through Incentives

deBoer concludes by offering a constructive alternative to the current stalemate. He argues that the solution isn't to shame homeowners for caring about their property values but to change the economic incentives that make housing so precarious. "It's simply more sensible and more productive to treat NIMBYs as rational agents who need better incentives than it is to moralize about them." This involves a broader campaign for economic justice, including building wealth for the bottom half of the distribution and reducing the undue influence of the wealthy in zoning processes.

The author emphasizes that the current system forces people to view their homes as investments because they lack other avenues for financial security. He notes, "The entire American system... have created a scenario where ordinary people have almost no way to build wealth other than through having a fixed-rate mortgage on an appreciating house." Therefore, any successful housing movement must address these underlying inequalities rather than just attacking the symptoms.

YIMBYs typically complain that too many Americans see their houses as investments rather than as places to live. But whose fault is that, really?

This perspective invites a necessary conversation about the structural roots of the housing crisis. While some may argue that focusing on systemic inequality distracts from immediate zoning reforms, deBoer's argument suggests that without addressing the financial desperation driving NIMBYism, any reform will face insurmountable political resistance.

Bottom Line

deBoer's strongest contribution is his diagnosis of the YIMBY movement's self-sabotaging reliance on online derision rather than real-world persuasion. The argument's vulnerability lies in its assumption that a more conciliatory approach would yield different results, given the entrenched power of existing zoning laws; however, his call to treat opponents as rational actors rather than moral failures remains an essential strategic pivot for any movement seeking genuine political change.

Deep Dives

Explore these related deep dives:

  • The Housing Boom and Bust Amazon · Better World Books by Thomas Sowell

  • The Death and Life of Great American Cities Amazon · Better World Books by Jane Jacobs

    The classic that transformed urban planning — why cities need density, mixed use, and organic complexity.

  • NIMBY

    While the article critiques YIMBYs for demonizing environmentalists, this entry explains the specific political mechanics of how local opposition groups historically organized to block development and why their arguments often rely on property rights rather than pure aesthetics.

  • Green belt (United Kingdom)

    The British critic mentioned in the text targets UK YIMBY failures; understanding the legal rigidity and historical origins of this specific land-use designation reveals exactly what political capital is required to overcome it, contrasting with the looser US zoning systems.

  • Rent control

    The article discusses the tension between increasing housing supply and keeping prices high for developers; this topic provides the technical context for why YIMBYs often oppose price controls as a strategy that might reduce new construction incentives, illuminating their specific ideological friction with other progressive housing advocates.

Sources

Do the YIMBYs want to do politics or not?

by Freddie deBoer · · Read full article

I invite you to imagine Matt Yglesias’s reaction if David Sirota or someone said “It’s crazy we don’t have Medicare for All, the underlying problem is the voters. Who cares about their preexisting private health insurance???”

It’s worth clicking through to see the thread Yglesias is reacting to and the various whining YIMBYs responding to it. It’s a YIMBY British guy (or, at least, a British guy who’s sympathetic to YIMBYism) pointing out some strategic failures on the part of the UK YIMBY movement. He argues in particular that a) by explicitly demonizing local environmentalists, the YIMBYs created enemies unnecessarily, b) local YIMBYs did not strategically define areas of greatest need for more building, wasting political capital and resources, and c) YIMBYs were too cozy with local developers, for-profit entities who don’t care at all about the principles YIMBYs claim to hold and would just like to make more money, thanks. (And, indeed, if developers could both increase supply and keep prices high, they would happily do so.) These all seem like valid takes - indeed, they reflect generic problems that YIMBYs would do well to take seriously - but of course rather than giving nuanced rebuttals or fair criticisms, almost all of the YIMBY response is dismissive, snide, and hectoring. A fair number insist that he’s no YIMBY at all, which is a classic sign of a healthy political movement, the insistence on ejecting anyone who makes internal criticism. Here’s Substack’s own “Jeremiah Johnson” with a typical response:

Ah, the gentle art of persuasion. You’ll note that the last part of this is (again) a rhetorical tactic that the Yglesian School typically derides, the assertion that the other side doesn’t actually believe what they say they believe. Yglesias is constantly lecturing others that cultural and social conservatives aren’t getting onboard with the left’s project because they have sincerely-held policy and moral views that are incompatible with that project. Assigning conspiracist motives (such as calling conservative beliefs a “dog whistle” or saying that it’s all just about protecting the wealthy) is just lefty kabuki! Politics is the slow boring of hard boards! You gotta do the work to persuade people! You have to do politics. Well, here, “Johnson” engages in that exact way of thinking, insisting that the only reason someone might purport to disagree with him is because they’re hiding another motive, a selfish one. He can’t countenance the ...