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Monopoly Round-Up: The rage of the billionaires is coming

Matt Stoller identifies a visceral, often overlooked shift in the American political landscape: the transition of the superrich from confident architects of the future to defensive, enraged reactionaries. This piece is notable not for cataloging new monopolies, but for diagnosing the psychological breaking point of an elite class that has lost its grip on public affection. In an era where inflation is rising and AI promises to upend labor markets, Stoller argues that the most significant story is the rage of the billionaires as they realize their power is no longer synonymous with public good.

The End of the Benevolent Oligarch

Stoller opens by observing a spontaneous rejection of tech leadership, noting that commencement speakers discussing artificial intelligence are increasingly being booed by graduates. This is not merely generational friction; it is a rejection of a specific worldview. As Stoller writes, "The public is extremely angry, and they are centering their anger on AI." He illustrates this by highlighting the cavalier attitudes of tech CEOs, quoting Anthropic's Dario Amodei who claims half of white-collar jobs will vanish, and OpenAI's Sam Altman, who noted that "AI will probably most likely lead to the end of the world, but in the meantime, there'll be great companies."

Monopoly Round-Up: The rage of the billionaires is coming

This framing is effective because it strips away the utopian marketing of the tech sector to reveal the underlying nihilism. Stoller points out that these leaders are not just predicting disruption; they are luxuriating in it. Alex Karp of Palantir is cited for telling investors during an earnings call that "This is a revolution. Some people can get their heads cut off." The author argues that voters, having already experienced the "enshittification" of social media platforms, no longer believe in the promise of a better future delivered by these monopolies. Instead of listening to this public frustration, the wealthy are doubling down, viewing opposition as an attack on their very existence.

Critics might argue that the public's fear of AI is often rooted in misunderstanding rather than the specific policies of these CEOs. However, Stoller's evidence suggests the anger is directed at the intent of the technology—displacing workers without a safety net—rather than the technology itself. The refusal of American oligarchs to adopt worker-protective rules seen in China, despite the potential for social stability, underscores an ideological rigidity that Stoller correctly identifies as a major political liability.

The superrich have an outsized voice. And that's always how it goes.

The Gaslighting of the Public

The commentary shifts to a specific case study of elite fragility: the reaction of billionaire Ken Griffin to New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani's proposal for a vacation home tax. Stoller details how Griffin, whose firm Citadel helped crater Spirit Airlines, organized a massive backlash against a relatively mild fiscal proposal. The author notes that Griffin claimed Mamdani had "put his life in danger" and threatened to move operations to Miami, stating, "Mamdani is making it really clear: New York doesn't welcome success."

Stoller describes this dynamic as "mass gaslighting," where a public assault is launched against a politician for merely suggesting that the wealthy should contribute more to the infrastructure that enables their wealth. He draws a parallel to the "Lina Khan Derangement Syndrome," where the Wall Street Journal and business lobbyists attacked the Federal Trade Commission chair for attempting to block mergers, accusing her of being a "secret Marxist" with a "disregard for the rule of law." The pattern is consistent: any attempt to impose limits on wealth triggers a disproportionate, almost hysterical defense from the elite class.

This analysis holds up well against the historical backdrop of the 1980s, when the Motor Carrier Act of 1980 began the deregulation that allowed such concentration of power. Stoller suggests that the current rage is a reaction to the end of that era's consensus. The billionaire class, having been told for decades that their success is the definition of morality, cannot comprehend a world where they are viewed with suspicion. As Stoller observes, "Since the 1980s, the wealthy have been beloved, admired, and enriched in America and globally. They were told they are special, and they believe it."

The Political Reckoning

The piece concludes by connecting this economic anger to a broader political realignment. Stoller argues that the era of elite dominance is fracturing, not just in the U.S. but across the West, with leaders in the UK, France, and Germany facing similar backlash. He points to the rise of a new generation of populists, such as Graham Platner in Maine and Abdul Al-Sayed in Michigan, who are challenging establishment Democrats. These candidates, Stoller notes, have learned from the Trump era to ignore establishment norms, but they are applying those tactics to anti-monopoly and anti-corruption agendas.

The author warns that the superrich will not go quietly. They will use their control over the press and their financial leverage to attack democracy itself. "They will threaten to withdraw their wealth from different regions, they will call people stupid and ignorant, and they will use credible organs and validators on their payroll to do so," Stoller writes. Yet, he remains optimistic that this rage will eventually backfire on the elite. The cycle of incumbents being thrown out of office every two years for the last twenty years suggests a system in flux.

Stoller's most striking insight is that the downfall of this oligarchy will not be a dramatic revolution, but a slow erosion of their credibility. He writes, "Such is how an oligarchy ends, not with a bang, but with a bunch of whiny billionaires crying about taxes." This reframing of the political struggle from a battle of policy to a battle of legitimacy is the piece's strongest contribution. It suggests that the next few years will be defined not by the ability of the wealthy to buy elections, but by their inability to buy the public's love.

Critics might note that Stoller underestimates the resilience of the current political establishment, which has successfully co-opted populist rhetoric without delivering structural change. However, the sheer volume of recent primary challenges and the rising unpopularity of data centers and surveillance pricing suggest that the public's patience is indeed wearing thin.

Bottom Line

Stoller's argument is a compelling diagnosis of the psychological state of the American elite, correctly identifying that their greatest vulnerability is no longer regulation, but their own unpopularity. The piece's biggest strength is its ability to connect disparate events—from AI ethics to local property taxes—into a coherent narrative of elite panic. The reader should watch for how this rage manifests in the next legislative session, particularly as new populist candidates gain ground and the administration faces pressure to address monopoly power directly.

Deep Dives

Explore these related deep dives:

  • The Power Elite Amazon · Better World Books by C. Wright Mills

  • The Age of Surveillance Capitalism Amazon · Better World Books by Shoshana Zuboff

    How tech companies turned human experience into raw material for prediction and control.

  • Enshittification

    The article cites this specific lifecycle of digital platforms as the historical precedent that has eroded public trust in tech CEOs' promises of a better future.

  • Political impact of Taylor Swift

    This coined term encapsulates the coordinated political backlash against the FTC's merger enforcement strategy, illustrating the specific ideological rage the author attributes to the wealthy elite.

  • Motor Carrier Act of 1980

    Understanding this specific deregulation law is essential to grasp the Supreme Court's current move to re-regulate trucking, which the article frames as a reversal of the monopoly-friendly policies that created today's concentration.

Sources

Monopoly Round-Up: The rage of the billionaires is coming

Lots of monopoly-related news, as usual. Inflation picked up according to the official numbers, kick-ass anti-monopolist Rohit Chopra got a powerful job as a California regulator, and the Supreme Court took a step towards re-regulating trucking.

Before getting to that, I want to observe a pick-up in rage from the wealthy, as they begin to hear the public disdain for what they stand for.

Let’s start with something that has been happening to a few commencement speakers at college graduations. They bring up artificial intelligence, and get booed by the students getting their diplomas. It’s a spontaneous expression of frustration and disrespect for the powerful, by the next generation. This kind of move stings; public speaking is difficult, and having people reject you en masse stays with you. And it even happened to former Google CEO Eric Schmidt.

The public is extremely angry, and they are centering their anger on AI. Seven out of ten Americans oppose data centers being built nearby. It’s not hard to see why.

AI and tech CEOs seem almost proudly villainous. Anthropic CEO Dario Amodei routinely says that half of white collar jobs are going to disappear because of his technology. Sam Altman, CEO of OpenAI, noted that “AI will probably most likely lead to the end of the world, but in the meantime, there’ll be great companies.” And Alex Karp, CEO of Palantir, said during an earnings call that “This is a revolution. Some people can get their heads cut off.”

Voters are no longer brushing these comments off. They have experience with social media and enshittification, they don’t believe in the promise of the future. And even if they did, business leaders seem to luxuriate in explaining how terrible things will soon be for the little people. So they are starting to respond with frustration.

Yet, the pushback from public opinion isn’t informing the superrich, it is angering them. They are having their various libertarian think tank people frame opposition to data centers as ill-informed or emotional.

Sometimes, they take action directly. Shark Tank star Kevin O’Leary accused critics of his giant Utah data center project of working for China and seeking to undermine American national security. A better strategy would be to try and listen to the anger, and then modify the development of AI technology so it doesn’t terrify everyone. China, for instance, is putting in place rules that companies are ...