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Could it happen here?

Natalie Wexler poses a provocative question: why did a radical shift in teaching methods succeed in England while the same approach floundered in the United States? The answer lies not in better politicians or more funding, but in a specific, science-aligned accountability system that the U.S. has yet to replicate.

The Science-Orthodoxy Clash

Wexler begins by dismantling a pervasive myth in American education: that students learn best by discovering knowledge on their own. She highlights a stark divergence between this long-held belief and what cognitive science actually proves. "In both countries, prospective teachers have been told they should serve primarily as facilitators, allowing children to direct their own education as much as possible through inquiry, discovery, and free choice," Wexler writes. This framing is crucial because it identifies the root cause of failure not as a lack of effort, but as a fundamental misunderstanding of how the brain works.

Could it happen here?

The author argues that this "education orthodoxy" has systematically disadvantaged vulnerable students while allowing those from educated families to thrive regardless of the system. As Wexler notes, "Cognitive science, on the other hand, indicates that when learners are new to a topic, what works best is explicit instruction that incorporates lots of teacher-directed interaction with students." This is a powerful correction to the narrative that teacher-led instruction is inherently oppressive or outdated. Critics might argue that explicit instruction stifles creativity, yet Wexler counters that without a foundation of knowledge, higher-order thinking is impossible.

The more information you have about a topic stored in long-term memory, the better able you are to understand a text on that topic or to think about it critically.

The Leadership Gap

The piece takes a sharp turn to analyze the political will required to implement these changes. Wexler contrasts the deep engagement of British officials with the superficiality often found in American policy circles. She points to Sir Nick Gibb, a former Schools Minister, who spent years studying cognitive science and engaging with authors like E.D. Hirsch Jr. before taking office. Wexler observes that Gibb and his predecessor, Michael Gove, "delved into complex education issues far more deeply than the vast majority of American politicians and policymakers are likely to do." This reference to Gove, who championed rigorous academic standards in the early 2000s, underscores a historical precedent for leadership that prioritizes curriculum over ideology.

In the U.S., Wexler suggests, even well-meaning philanthropists often defer to "education experts" who are entrenched in the very orthodoxy that science has debunked. The author writes, "It's rare to find someone in a position of power as willing as Gibb has been to buck orthodoxy and persevere despite vituperative pushback." This highlights a structural weakness in the American system: the lack of a mechanism for policymakers to deeply understand the mechanics of the classroom. Without this depth of knowledge, reforms remain superficial.

High Accountability, High Autonomy

Perhaps the most insightful section of Wexler's commentary is her analysis of the "high accountability, high autonomy" model used in England. Unlike the U.S., which often mandates specific curricula or instructional methods, the English government set the goal but allowed schools the freedom to determine the path. "For everything else, the mantra was 'high accountability, high autonomy'—or as Gove, the Minister for Education, put it, 'let a thousand flowers bloom,'" Wexler explains. This approach initially raised concerns about quality control, but the data quickly sorted the wheat from the chaff.

The mechanism for this sorting was the public release of test scores, which naturally favored schools using evidence-based methods. Wexler notes that "the low-scoring schools withered away or, in some cases, were shut down." This outcome mirrors the theory behind American charter schools, yet the results differ dramatically. Why? The author argues that the difference lies entirely in what was being measured.

The evidence that most teachers care about is what other schools are doing.

What You Measure Matters

Here, Wexler delivers her most damning critique of the American system. She argues that U.S. standardized tests, which focus on abstract reading comprehension skills, inadvertently punish schools that teach content-rich curricula. "In the U.S., we put great emphasis on standardized reading and math tests from third to eighth grade... On the reading side, these tests are supposed to measure abstract comprehension skills like 'making inferences,'" she writes. This focus forces schools to drill skills rather than build knowledge, a strategy that fails as students advance to higher grades where background knowledge becomes essential.

In contrast, England's "Progress 8" metric measures student growth across a broad range of subjects, including science and history, and accounts for prior achievement. Wexler points out that this system "reliably identify[s] schools that teach in a way that enables students to succeed." The result is a school like Michaela Community School, which serves low-income families and tops the rankings, proving that rigorous, knowledge-based instruction works for everyone. A counterargument worth considering is that high-stakes testing can still lead to "teaching to the test," but Wexler suggests that when the test measures broad knowledge, the instruction naturally becomes richer.

The U.S. measure, which is premised on the mistaken assumption that reading comprehension skills can be assessed in the abstract, has created a significant obstacle to aligning education to cognitive science—and condemned many students to failure in the process.

Bottom Line

Wexler's strongest argument is that the failure of American education reform is not due to a lack of scientific evidence, but a failure of measurement; we are measuring the wrong things, which drives the wrong behaviors. The piece's biggest vulnerability is its reliance on a centralized accountability model that may be difficult to replicate in the U.S.'s fragmented, decentralized system. The reader should watch for whether American states can move beyond phonics mandates to embrace the broader, content-rich accountability metrics that made England's reform stick.

Deep Dives

Explore these related deep dives:

  • Michael Gove

    Linked in the article (42 min read)

  • E. D. Hirsch

    Hirsch is directly mentioned as an author that Nick Gibb read while developing his education reform approach. His 'cultural literacy' theory fundamentally shaped the knowledge-rich curriculum movement discussed in the article, making him essential context for understanding why England's reforms emphasized content over skills.

Sources

Could it happen here?

by Natalie Wexler · Natalie Wexler · Read full article

Nick Gibb—now Sir Nick Gibb—has written a book that describes, as the subtitle explains, why and how English schools have improved since 2010. Gibb should know, since he was the government official who was most instrumental in sparking and guiding that improvement.1

The book’s title, Reforming Lessons, appears to be two-fold. England reformed the “lessons” delivered in its classrooms. Gibb also hopes other countries will derive “lessons” from England’s reform experience so they can replicate its success.

I’m happy to accept that challenge, at least in terms of figuring out why education reform appears to have succeeded so spectacularly in England but bombed in the U.S. to the point that few people even talk about improving public schools anymore.

Comparing education systems internationally is a tricky business because contexts vary widely. But England and the U.S., along with some other countries, have long shared a similar problem: Education orthodoxy conflicts with what cognitive science tells us about teaching and learning.

Orthodoxy vs. Science.

In both countries, prospective teachers have been told they should serve primarily as facilitators, allowing children to direct their own education as much as possible through inquiry, discovery, and free choice. It’s considered more important for students to acquire skills—for example, in reading comprehension or critical thinking more generally—than to acquire any particular knowledge. Some argue that requiring students to retain factual information is not only unnecessary but harmful.

Cognitive science, on the other hand, indicates that when learners are new to a topic, what works best is explicit instruction that incorporates lots of teacher-directed interaction with students. And studies show that learners need to acquire knowledge through a content-rich curriculum in order to apply “thinking” skills. The more information you have about a topic stored in long-term memory, the better able you are to understand a text on that topic or to think about it critically.

As a result of the divergence between education theory and scientific evidence, schools in both England and the U.S. have a history of failing the most vulnerable students. Those who end up thriving—mostly the students from more highly educated families—are the ones who would probably do well in any system.

Change in England.

Gibb, who was Schools Minister under the Conservative government for over 10 years, off and on, details how things have changed in England since he first stepped into that role.2 Children’s foundational reading skills have clearly improved: ...