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The presidency is still alive and kicking

Noah Smith challenges the prevailing narrative of political collapse by arguing that while the administration faces genuine friction, its core grip on power remains unbroken. This piece is notable not for predicting doom, but for dissecting why the public's grumbling hasn't yet translated into the kind of systemic shock that topples governments. In an era of constant news cycles, Smith asks a crucial question: why do some scandals ignite a firestorm while others, even those involving potential war crimes or economic mismanagement, seem to fizzle out?

The Illusion of Free Fall

Smith opens by addressing the chorus of voices claiming the executive branch is in "free fall." He cites Max Burns in The Hill, who notes that "it doesn't take a political genius to recognize that things are in free fall over at the White House," pointing to Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth's controversial orders and the Department of Justice's struggles. Yet, Smith pushes back against this alarmism. He acknowledges that Indiana's legislature recently defied the White House by rejecting a gerrymandering plan that would have secured two extra congressional seats for the GOP. This is a significant moment; as Smith observes, "It was a pretty remarkable act of defiance from state-level Republicans, and could indicate that Trump's power to bully his own party into line is eroding."

The presidency is still alive and kicking

However, Smith cautions against reading too much into isolated incidents. He points to Democratic victories in Miami and Georgia as evidence of a shifting tide, noting that Democrats have "flipped more of these seats in special elections than in any year since 2020, when they won back the presidency." While this suggests a potential "blue wave" in 2026, Smith argues that a Democratic Congress would not render the administration a "lame duck." The math simply doesn't add up for an override. "Democrats will not get a two-thirds supermajority, so they will be unable to override Trump's vetoes," Smith writes. This structural reality means the executive branch retains significant leverage, regardless of electoral setbacks.

The Disconnect Between Outrage and Action

The most compelling part of Smith's analysis is his exploration of why Americans aren't raging. He notes that while the administration's actions—such as ICE detaining U.S. citizens or rumors of invading Venezuela—are alarming to news consumers, they haven't sparked mass unrest. "Avid news-readers might be aghast at Trump's attempts to bully Ukraine into accepting an unfavorable peace deal, or at Pete Hegseth's probably-illegal orders to massacre people on boats on the Caribbean," Smith writes. But he quickly pivots to the reality of public attention spans. "With Americans tuning out the news after a turbulent decade, there is simply less scope for (A)," he argues, referring to outrage driven by media consumption.

This is a sobering assessment of the current political climate. The public seems exhausted. Smith notes that unlike the visceral reaction to police brutality videos in the 2010s, there has been "no wave of popular unrest" in response to immigration abuses. The administration's strategy of focusing on border security rather than broader immigration policy appears to be working, at least for now. "It's possible that many voters view Trump's ICE raids and illegal renditions with distaste, but are willing to forgive those excesses because Trump delivered on his core promise of securing the border," Smith suggests. Critics might argue this ignores the long-term demographic risks of alienating Latino voters, but Smith's data suggests the immediate political cost is low.

With Americans tuning out the news after a turbulent decade, there is simply less scope for outrage driven by media consumption.

The Economic Blind Spot

If the administration is insulated from political scandals, Smith identifies the economy as its true vulnerability. "Americans are very, very unhappy with the state of their economy right now," he writes, noting that consumer sentiment is worse than at the lowest point of the previous administration. The paradox, according to Smith, is that objective indicators like real wages are rising, yet the public feels the pinch. "Why are Americans so apocalyptically negative about affordability in the Trump economy, when the objective indicators seem fairly benign?" he asks.

Smith suggests the answer lies in the administration's tone and policy choices. He highlights the administration's dismissal of the affordability crisis, quoting Trump's response to rising prices: "Be satisfied with fewer toys for your kids." Smith calls this a fatal error in political messaging. "'Be satisfied with fewer toys for your kids' is not the kind of message Americans like to hear, especially from a guy who lives a lavish, super-rich lifestyle," he writes. Furthermore, Smith points to the administration's push for interest rate cuts, which could reignite inflation. "Rate cuts would, of course, fuel inflation, especially if they convinced American business that Trump's Federal Reserve no longer prioritizes price stability," he warns.

There is a specific, tangible threat that could bridge the gap between abstract economic data and daily life: the measles epidemic. Smith notes that this is a "purely manmade epidemic" exacerbated by the administration's health secretary, RFK Jr., who has "spread falsehoods about the measles vaccine." Unlike the abstract concept of inflation, a disease outbreak "could disrupt normal Americans' daily lives and cause them to sour further on Trump." This mirrors the historical precedent of Hurricane Katrina, where a specific disaster shattered the credibility of the George W. Bush administration. Smith warns that "a rise in inflation could be that event" for the current administration.

Bottom Line

Smith's strongest argument is that the administration's survival depends less on political maneuvering and more on avoiding a tangible, life-altering crisis that forces the public to pay attention. His biggest vulnerability is the assumption that the public's tolerance for economic discomfort has a ceiling that won't be reached until a major shock occurs. The reader should watch for the intersection of inflation spikes and the measles outbreak, as these are the only scenarios Smith identifies that could truly break the administration's grip on power.

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Sources

The presidency is still alive and kicking

by Noah Smith · Noahpinion · Read full article

A week ago, my friend Yaroslav requested that I write more about economics and less about politics. So I deeply and humbly apologize to Yaroslav for writing another politics post.

In the past week or so, some people have claimed that the wheels are coming off the Trump presidency. For example, here’s Max Burns, writing in The Hill:

It doesn’t take a political genius to recognize that things are in free fall over at the White House…Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth is facing mounting Republican criticism over a potentially illegal order to kill the survivors of a Caribbean boat strike. Attorney General Pam Bondi’s Department of Justice is in disarray after three failed efforts to prosecute former FBI Director James Comey and New York Attorney General Letitia James…Trump’s approval rating cratered to a new low of just 36 percent in late November following months of open-air dysfunction and his repeated failure to address fundamental problems like rising consumer prices.

It’s true that Trump has had a string of setbacks recently. Indiana rejected Trump’s proposed redistricting plan, which would have used gerrymandering to give the GOP 2 more seats in Congress. The GOP-dominated Indiana state legislature openly defied Trump’s threats to cut off the state’s infrastructure funding unless they accepted the gerrymandering plan. It was a pretty remarkable act of defiance from state-level Republicans, and could indicate that Trump’s power to bully his own party into line is eroding.

Meanwhile, Democrats have been performing strongly in off-year elections:

Democrats were declared winners of the Miami mayor’s race for the first time in nearly 30 years, winning the race easily by 18 points. And…the party also flipped a Georgia state House district that Trump had carried by double digits last year…The results in Miami and Georgia were merely the latest in a series of ominous signs for the GOP’s electoral picture…Democrats also flipped the mayor’s race in suburban Roswell…Democrats…continue to over-perform in special elections by more than they ever have in the Trump era…when the districts have been somewhat competitive, the results have been strong for Democrats. This year they’ve flipped four state legislative seats that had favored Trump by double digits a year ago…Democrats have now flipped more of these seats in special elections than in any year since 2020, when they won back the presidency.

This presages a potential blue wave in the 2026 midterm elections, which is undoubtedly why Trump ...