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Post-American compute for a post-American internet

Cory Doctorow identifies a terrifying paradox that few are discussing: the very tech monopolies that dominate our digital lives are now the primary vectors for authoritarian overreach, yet they remain indispensable for survival. He argues that the solution isn't just to de-platform these giants, but to build a federated, international infrastructure that can withstand the whims of a lawless executive branch. This is not a theoretical exercise; it is a desperate, necessary pivot for human rights organizations documenting state violence.

The Trap of Dependence

Doctorow opens with a stark assessment of the current geopolitical landscape, noting that the risk of digital disenfranchisement is no longer unique to the Global South. "Obviously, the non-American world has a digital sovereignty problem," he writes, but he quickly pivots to the domestic reality. "America is a lawless place now, where a pliable Supreme Court and supine Congress have affirmed that 'it's not a crime if the president does it.'" This framing is crucial because it shifts the blame from a single personality to a systemic collapse of checks and balances.

Post-American compute for a post-American internet

The author illustrates the lethality of this dependency with the "ICE Block" app, a tool designed to warn users of immigration enforcement. When Apple removed the app to protect its relationship with the administration, it demonstrated that "Big Tech is key to Trump's pogroms." Doctorow's analysis here is sharp: without the databases of Oracle, the cloud of Amazon, and the location data of Google, the machinery of deportation would grind to a halt. Yet, these same companies are the ones pulling the plug on dissent. The irony is suffocating; as he puts it, "in this moment when so many of us are struggling to 'de-Google' our lives, a forcible, sudden de-Googling amounts to a sort of digital death penalty."

Critics might argue that building alternative infrastructure is impossible given the scale of Big Tech's dominance, but Doctorow counters with the old Canadian joke: "If you wanted to get there, I wouldn't start from here. But here we are." The necessity of the situation demands starting exactly where we are, not where we wish we were.

Big Tech is the source of Americans' risk from authoritarian oppression. That means that Americans cannot rely on Big Tech to protect them from that authoritarianism.

Federated Sovereignty

The centerpiece of Doctorow's argument is the emergence of the Technology Freedom Cooperative, a new alliance of human rights groups from the US, Puerto Rico, Mexico, and Europe. This isn't just a coalition; it is a strategic retreat from the US enforcement nexus. Doctorow explains that these groups have concluded they "can't rely on US tech and US servers with their data," citing the precedent where the administration and Microsoft colluded to shut down the International Criminal Court's Chief Prosecutor.

Drawing on the concept of digital sovereignty, which has long been a priority for the EU, this cooperative federates computing resources across multiple jurisdictions. By spreading data and computation, they ensure that a seizure in one location cannot halt the work globally. This approach mirrors the resilience strategies seen in the history of computer emergency response teams, where distributed networks proved far harder to disable than centralized ones. Doctorow highlights that this cooperative is building its own AI infrastructure, locally hosted and managed, to replace the administrative tools of the giants.

The argument gains weight when Doctorow introduces Patrick Ball, the statistician behind the Human Rights Data Analysis Group (HRDAG). Ball is described as a "centaur," a skilled practitioner using coding assistants to perform massive data analysis on human rights violations. Doctorow notes, "He's one of the best programmers I know, he's the very best statistician I know, and he's found many, many ways to use coding assistants to help him perform massive data-analysis projects that are vital to human rights struggles." This reframes AI not as a magical replacement for human labor, but as a tool for amplifying expert discernment.

Beyond the Bubble

Doctorow is careful to distinguish between the "AI bubble" and the utility of statistical inference. He warns that the current hype cycle is "madness and will lead to ruin," citing environmental and economic costs. However, he insists that the technology itself is sound when stripped of the excess. "The coop is building good AI tools — ones grounded in a realistic assessment of their usefulness and a reasonable commitment of resources to them," he writes. This is a vital distinction for busy readers who may be fatigued by the constant drumbeat of AI marketing claims.

The cooperative's focus on training is equally pragmatic. They are teaching human rights workers to "administer their own servers, secure their data and communications, and analyze data." As the press release states, these are "skills that are increasingly necessary for human rights organizations documenting abuses of power." This moves the conversation from passive consumption of technology to active stewardship.

The world would be a better place without the AI bubble. But AI? It's fine. It's another form of statistical analysis and inference.

A counterargument worth considering is whether a small cooperative can truly compete with the network effects of global platforms. While the cooperative offers sovereignty, it may lack the seamless user experience that keeps people on major platforms. However, for organizations tracking genocide and police brutality, reliability and security must trump convenience.

Bottom Line

Doctorow's most compelling contribution is the shift from resistance to reconstruction; he provides a tangible blueprint for a post-American internet that prioritizes human rights over corporate profit. The argument's greatest vulnerability lies in the sheer difficulty of scaling this infrastructure to the general public, but for the specific stakeholders of human rights, it is a lifeline. The reader should watch how this cooperative navigates the legal and technical hurdles of maintaining a federated system in an increasingly hostile regulatory environment.

Deep Dives

Explore these related deep dives:

  • Digital sovereignty

    This concept defines the specific legal and technical framework the article proposes for Puerto Rico, the EU, and Canada to escape the unilateral control of US-based tech monopolies.

  • Enshittification

    The article relies on this specific lifecycle theory of platform decay to explain why Big Tech companies inevitably shift from serving users to exploiting them for shareholder value.

Sources

Post-American compute for a post-American internet

by Cory Doctorow · Pluralistic · Read full article

Today's links.

Post-American compute for a post-American Internet: Building cooperative human rights computing infrastructure in Puerto Rico, the EU, Canada and Mexico. Hey look at this: Delights to delectate. Object permanence: Urine Luck; Germany v pornoscanners; Moorcock's 3-day novels; Women's voices can never be "right"; Drone delivery v reality; Abortion activists: TNG; AI coders are a marketing claim. Upcoming appearances: Edinburgh, Sydney, Melbourne, Brighton, London, South Bend. Recent appearances: Where I've been. Latest books: You keep readin' em, I'll keep writin' 'em. Upcoming books: Like I said, I'll keep writin' 'em. Colophon: All the rest.

Post-American compute for a post-American Internet (permalink).

Obviously, the non-American world has a digital sovereignty problem – Trump has means, motive and opportunity to order his tech companies to shut down any public official, large corporation, or individual who displeases him:

https://pluralistic.net/2026/06/18/their-trillions-our-billions/#eyes-on-the-prize

But Americans face the same digital sovereignty risk. America is a lawless place now, where a pliable Supreme Court and supine Congress have affirmed that "it's not a crime if the president does it." The same tech giants who sold out to Trump for tax breaks and protection from antitrust enforcement will happily disconnect any member of the American public, any American company, any American official who displeases Trump.

It's a strange irony that in this moment when so many of us are struggling to "de-Google" our lives, a forcible, sudden de-Googling amounts to a sort of digital death penalty:

https://www.nytimes.com/2022/08/21/technology/google-surveillance-toddler-photo.html

In a world dominated by tech monopolies, duopolies and cartels, there's every reason in the world to seek protection and insulation from these companies that are "too big to care" – and yet, the very same dominance that makes these companies such a danger also makes them indispensable.

Take "ICE Block," an iOS app that warns you if there's an ICE thug hunting people like you in your vicinity, which might save you from being kidnapped, disappeared, sent to a concentration camp, forced into slave labor in El Salvador, or simply murdered. In order to protect its relationship with the Trump regime (and the tax breaks, monopoly power and tariff-free access to Chinese labor that that relationship guarantees), Apple declared ICE officers to be a protected class and then removed ICE Block from its App Store:

https://pluralistic.net/2025/10/06/rogue-capitalism/#orphaned-syrian-refugees-need-not-apply

Big Tech is key to Trump's pogroms. Without Oracle's databases, Microsoft's administrative tools, Amazon's cloud, and Google's location data, ICE would be frozen in place. ...