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New in SpyWeek: Whole lotta shakin' goin' on

This week's intelligence briefing from Jeff Stein cuts through the noise of personnel shuffling to reveal a startling truth: the U.S. intelligence apparatus is not just being reformed, it is being actively dismantled by a leadership that views the very existence of the Office of the Director of National Intelligence (ODNI) as an obstacle. Stein's reporting exposes a administration intent on replacing institutional memory with loyalists, while simultaneously engaging in high-stakes psychological warfare that risks escalating regional conflicts. The piece is notable not for the gossip it contains, but for how clearly it maps the erosion of professional oversight in favor of political theater.

The Hollowing of the ODNI

Stein opens with a scathing assessment of the recent departure of the ODNI's former head, framing the exit not as a resignation but as a purge. He cites Shane Harris of The Atlantic to illustrate the administration's disregard for the office: "It's a measure of Donald Trump's low regard for the Office of the Director of National Intelligence, as well as its soon-to-be former occupant, that while the commander in chief was making final preparations to invade Venezuela and kidnap its president, Tulsi Gabbard was posting photos of herself from a beach in Hawaii." The juxtaposition is stark, highlighting a leadership vacuum during critical moments of potential military engagement.

New in SpyWeek: Whole lotta shakin' goin' on

The author argues that the ODNI has become a "bloated, ineffectual bureaucracy" in the eyes of its critics, a sentiment Stein suggests the administration is eager to exploit. He notes that former senior CIA operations officer Marc Polymeropoulos tweeted there is "[s]ignificant support on the Hill for more downsizing and even getting rid of the office all together." This push to eliminate the office is not merely about efficiency; it is a power play. As Stein observes, "The ODNI seemed like a good idea in the wake of the intelligence disaster, but its rapid growth... made it a poster boy for the intelligence division of the Washington, D.C. 'swamp.'"

The immediate beneficiary of her departure was said to be CIA Director John Ratcliffe, a fait accompli, really, many months ago.

Stein points out that Senator Tom Cotton has proposed legislation to slash the ODNI workforce, describing the agency as an "overstaffed and bureaucratic behemoth... where coordinators coordinate with other coordinators." While the argument for streamlining bureaucracy is common, Stein's framing suggests a deeper motive: "Since Trump & co. evidently loathe career intelligence professionals, this might be Cotton's chance." This raises a critical question about the long-term viability of intelligence coordination. Critics might argue that the ODNI's complexity is necessary to manage the sprawling intelligence community, and that removing it could lead to the very silos that caused failures in the past, such as the intelligence breakdowns preceding the 9/11 attacks.

Theater and Intimidation in the Caribbean

The commentary shifts to a more aggressive posture in the Caribbean, where Stein details a series of actions designed to send a message rather than achieve a strategic objective. He describes a visit by CIA Director John Ratcliffe to Havana, where he "brought along one of the operators involved in the U.S. mission to capture then-Venezuelan leader Nicolás Maduro earlier this year." Stein notes the gravity of this gesture: "Ratcliffe made a point of introducing the paramilitary leader to the Cubans as the one who killed their people in Venezuela... The presence of a paramilitary officer who was involved in capturing a key partner of the Cuban government just months earlier may have been intended to send a signal."

This is not traditional diplomacy; it is psychological warfare. Stein further highlights the Pentagon's decision to make spy plane flights around Cuba "highly visible by ordering their transponders kept on." Mark Cancian, an analyst with the Center for Strategic and Strategic and International Studies, suggests this is "to let the Cubans and others know that we are watching," but Stein adds a layer of skepticism: "In part, it may also be more intimidation theater." The administration's approach appears to be one of maximum pressure, exemplified by the arrival of the USS Nimitz in the Caribbean on the same day the Justice Department announced charges against Raúl Castro.

Stein also touches on the human cost of these geopolitical maneuvers, noting that the administration's focus on "kidnapping" foreign leaders and aggressive posturing often overlooks the destabilizing effects on civilian populations. The framing of these events as "fun" or "mind games" by the leadership, as Stein suggests, trivializes the real-world consequences of such actions.

The Weaponization of Justice and Cyber Incompetence

Perhaps the most disturbing section of Stein's report concerns the integrity of the Department of Justice and the security of U.S. digital infrastructure. Stein details the case of former CIA Director John Brennan, noting that law enforcement veterans are expressing "deep concerns" that the Justice Department is "stacking the deck" against him. He points to the abrupt removal of a senior career prosecutor who questioned the evidence, replaced by Joseph DiGenova, a "staunch Trump ally." Stein writes, "DiGenova's wife, Victoria Toensing... was sworn in as a federal prosecutor... a source with direct knowledge confirmed she is [working on the cases]." This creates an undeniable appearance of conflict of interest, undermining the rule of law.

Simultaneously, the article exposes a catastrophic failure in cyber security at the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA). Stein reports that CISA was "leaving the digital keys to its own cloud storage accounts sitting out in the open, in plain text form." The analyst who discovered this called it "the worst leak that I've witnessed in my career." Stein connects this incompetence to the broader political climate, noting that "CISA has been a chaotic farce" under the current administration, with acting directors unconfirmed and funding slashed.

Neither of the acting directors he's appointed so far have been confirmed by the Senate, and Trump has recently sought to drastically cut CISA's funding.

This juxtaposition of aggressive legal prosecution against political opponents and negligent security practices against foreign threats paints a picture of an administration prioritizing retribution over protection. While the administration may argue that cutting bureaucracy is necessary to streamline operations, Stein's evidence suggests it is leading to chaos and vulnerability.

The AI Gap and Global Shadows

The piece concludes with a look at the technological arms race, revealing that the CIA and NSA "cannot fully deploy the latest models on their classified systems because of a shortage of cutting-edge chips." Stein notes that the solution being pursued is a massive $9 billion injection, driven by the realization that "New A.I. models use enormous amounts of computer power, more than many technology experts anticipated even a year or two ago." This highlights a critical dependency on commercial technology for national security, a vulnerability that adversaries are already exploiting.

Stein also touches on the global reach of these conflicts, from Iranian hackers posing as recruiters to target aviation engineers, to Israeli intelligence using a "treasure trove" of digital evidence to track down Hamas militants. The human cost is implicit in these descriptions of surveillance and targeting, reminding the reader that behind the data points are lives upended.

The campaign has not been limited to Gaza. Israel's operations have stretched into Lebanon and Iran, targeting senior Hamas figures accused of planning or directing the attacks.

Bottom Line

Jeff Stein's reporting provides a sobering look at an intelligence community in flux, where political loyalty is increasingly valued over professional competence and where the lines between diplomacy and intimidation are dangerously blurred. The strongest part of the argument is the clear evidence of institutional erosion, from the dismantling of the ODNI to the politicization of the Justice Department. However, the piece's biggest vulnerability is its reliance on anonymous sources for some of the most explosive claims, which, while common in intelligence reporting, leaves room for doubt. Readers should watch closely for the outcome of Senator Cotton's legislation and the confirmation hearings for new agency heads, as these will determine whether the U.S. intelligence apparatus can recover its footing or continues its downward spiral.

Deep Dives

Explore these related deep dives:

  • Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act

    This legislation created the ODNI, and understanding its specific statutory limitations explains why the article describes the office as a 'bloated' coordinator that lost its grip after the 9/11 failures it was meant to fix.

  • Operation Gideon (2020)

    The article alludes to Trump's preparations to 'invade Venezuela and kidnap its president,' which refers to this specific, failed mercenary-led attempt that highlights the chaotic planning environment where Gabbard was reportedly absent.

  • 2019 Trump–Ukraine scandal

    Gabbard's 'desperate' effort to concoct a criminal conspiracy case against Obama officials regarding Russian influence directly stems from her role in the fallout of this specific complaint, which triggered the first impeachment inquiry and shaped her tenure.

Sources

New in SpyWeek: Whole lotta shakin' goin' on

by Jeff Stein · SpyTalk · Read full article

Gone Girl: The best eulogy of sorts for Tulsi Gabbard’s pathetic tenure at the ODNI goes to Shane Harris over at The Atlantic: ”It’s a measure of Donald Trump’s low regard for the Office of the Director of National Intelligence, as well as its soon-to-be former occupant,” Harris wrote, “that while the commander in chief was making final preparations to invade Venezuela and kidnap its president, Tulsi Gabbard was posting photos of herself from a beach in Hawaii.” Alas, for her, much the same went during planning for the Iran war, which she was opposed to as an “America Firster” and which caused her to be “forced out,” according to a Reuters report, despite her desperate and despicable effort to hold on by concocting a criminal conspiracy case against Obama administration officials for investigating Russian influence on the 2016 campaign and bizarrely flying off to Georgia to put herself in the middle of the FBI’s seizure of election ballots. The immediate beneficiary of her departure was said to be CIA Director John Ratcliffe (a fait accompli, really, many months ago). The question now is what happens to the ODNI, a longtime bête noire for the CIA, which once ruled the sprawling spy agencies by statute but lost its grip when it bore principal blame for the failure to disrupt the 9/11 attacks.

The ODNI seemed like a good idea in the wake of the intelligence disaster, but its rapid growth into what its growing number of critics called a bloated, ineffectual bureaucracy and dumping ground for unwanted IC employees made it a poster boy for the intelligence division of the Washington, D.C. “swamp.” On Saturday, former senior CIA ops officer Marc Polymeropoulos tweeted that there was “[s]ignificant support on the Hill for more downsizing and even getting rid of the office all together…So watch SSCI chair [Tom] Cotton closely, he’s spoken publicly on this issue.” Indeed, Cotton has proposed legislation to greatly reduce the number of ODNI employees (beyond the 100+ fired by Gabbard), calling it an “overstaffed and bureaucratic behemoth…where coordinators coordinate with other coordinators.” Since Trump & co. evidently loathe career intelligence professionals, this might be Cotton’s chance. Gabbard, who will be succeeded June 30 on an acting basis by Aaron Lukas, principal ODNI deputy director (profiled by SpyTalk last month, said she was resigning to support her husband during his struggle with bone cancer,

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