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Material roots, the end of hegemony, the suppression of finance by nature

James Meadway delivers a jarring thesis: the era of stable economic growth, which underpinned social democracy and global order for a century, is not just pausing—it is collapsing under the weight of ecological reality. While most analysts treat environmental disruption as a side constraint on the economy, Meadway argues that nature has become the primary variable, rendering our financial models and state institutions functionally obsolete. This is not a prediction of a recession; it is a diagnosis of a system that has lost its operating system.

The Broken Promise of Growth

Meadway begins by dismantling the historical assumption that economic expansion is a natural constant. He traces how the post-World War II "Golden Age" relied on a specific, temporary convergence: rapid industrialization, cheap oil, and a stable climate. "Consistent growth itself... tended only to become embedded at a national level... in the latter half of the nineteenth century," he notes, reminding us that the modern expectation of rising living standards is a recent, fragile anomaly. The social contract of the last century was built on the promise that the state could deliver a larger slice of the pie for everyone, provided the pie kept getting bigger.

Material roots, the end of hegemony, the suppression of finance by nature

The author argues that this alliance between the state, capital, and labor was contingent on "cheap nature." When that cheapness evaporates, the political logic of reformism crumbles. "Economic growth provided the basis for expanded private provision of goods and services... but also provided the wherewithal for extended public provision without intruding on the needs of private capital too closely," Meadway writes. This is a crucial insight: the welfare state was not a moral triumph alone; it was an economic byproduct of abundant resources. As those resources dwindle, the ability of governments to fund social programs without triggering capital flight or inflation evaporates.

Critics might argue that technological innovation has historically decoupled growth from resource constraints, suggesting Meadway is overly pessimistic about our adaptive capacity. However, the speed of current ecological shifts suggests that technology cannot outpace the rate of environmental collapse.

Growth became the pinnacle of economic policy once the tools have been developed to allow its measurement and, with less accuracy, regulation.

The Illusion of Global Cooperation

The commentary shifts to the international stage, where the failure of cooperation is most stark. Meadway highlights the hubris of the early 2000s, when the world believed it had moved beyond the "Westphalian" model of state sovereignty into a new era of seamless global public health. The SARS outbreak of 2003 was hailed as a triumph of this "post-Westphalian" approach, but the pandemic revealed it to be a mirage.

The author points to the stark disparity in global power structures. While financial institutions like the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank possess teeth, health bodies are toothless. "The World Health Organisation was (and is) dramatically underfunded, with a budget of just $4.4bn in 2020, 'less than that of a single big city hospital'," Meadway observes. This funding gap is not merely a budgetary oversight; it is a structural weakness that leaves humanity defenseless against biological threats. The executive branch of the United States, in its withdrawal of support from the WHO, exemplified the retreat from global stewardship, prioritizing national sovereignty over collective survival.

The piece effectively argues that the "neoliberal playbook" of convergence has shattered, replaced by a chaotic scramble where Great Power competition overrides scientific necessity. "Its plaintive appeals for the ending of intellectual property protections... fell on deaf or, at best, condescending ears in the Global North," he writes. This failure of the global health architecture is a direct parallel to the climate crisis, where the Paris Agreement lacks the enforcement mechanisms to stop the very disaster it aims to prevent.

The End of Sovereignty and the Rise of Disorder

Perhaps the most unsettling section of Meadway's work is his conclusion that the nation-state itself is losing its ability to function as a guarantor of security. As nature imposes its own rhythms—droughts, floods, pandemics—on human activity, the sovereign's claim to control becomes a fiction. "Attempts to reassert versions of sovereignty against the disorder... are likely to flounder precisely because no sovereign has the reach that would provide meaningful control in this way," he argues.

Meadway warns against the temptation to turn to authoritarian solutions, such as "Climate Mao" or "Climate Leviathan," suggesting that no amount of surveillance or digital control can substitute for the physical limits of the planet. The reliance on digital technology for governance, he notes, often serves only to enhance surveillance rather than solve the underlying material crises. "The actual impacts on growth from this investment are more uncertain," he cautions, challenging the techno-optimist view that digitization will save us from ecological collapse.

The financial implications are equally dire. The era of easy monetary policy, where central banks could simply print money to stabilize economies, is ending. "Interventions by central banks today are likely to in turn help translate the shortages and disruption of the early Anthropocene into inflationary episodes and credit bubbles," Meadway writes. We are moving toward a world of "double inelasticity," where the supply of essentials cannot expand, but the demand for them remains rigid, creating a volatile mix of inflation and financial crisis.

The global structures through which hegemony has operated over the last few centuries... are irreparably weakened by the ecological decay, and no parallel alternative structures have been created.

Bottom Line

Meadway's strongest contribution is his refusal to treat the ecological crisis as a mere economic headwind; he frames it as the end of the historical conditions that made modern capitalism and the welfare state possible. The argument's vulnerability lies in its deterministic tone, offering little clarity on what political forms might emerge from this chaos beyond a warning against authoritarianism. Readers should watch for how governments attempt to manage the inevitable inflationary shocks of this transition, as the old tools of monetary policy are likely to fail. This is not a story of a temporary downturn, but of a fundamental shift in the rules of human existence.

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Material roots, the end of hegemony, the suppression of finance by nature

by James Meadway · Pandemic Capitalism · Read full article

Boats stranded at David's Marina on the Rio Negro, Manaus, Brazil on Oct 16, 2023. River water levels hit their lowest point in at least 121 years. Credit: Bruno Kelly/Reuters

Back, after a significant pause, to publishing here. I’ve been using the space to try and organise some notes around the ongoing/neverending book project, for which it’s been useful – it’s helpful to have an audience of some sort when writing, since it forces a bit of organisation on my thinking, and feedback is very much appreciated. It does mean that what I publish tends to be a bit scattered and ad hoc but I’m hoping the various subscribers can bear with me (and with the peculiar endnoting that’s happened below.)

What follows started as some notes for a section in the book, that then spiralled off somewhat into a consideration of hegemony and finance, referencing (inevitably) Arrighi and Braudel. I’ve been particularly struck by the work on long-run real interest rates, for all the methodological difficulties it presents; the “supra-secular” decline is too clear to be easily dismissed, and needs some form of explanation.

Growth as the key to reformism

Consistent growth itself, as the revisionist work of economic historians has shown, tended only to become embedded at a national level (rather than being a feature of specific sectors and regions) in industrialising economies much later than was previously assumed, in the latter half of the nineteenth century. Consistent rises in working class living standards – certainly beyond a comparatively privileged layer – only really emerge after this mid-century point.[i]

The concomitant development of reformism in the socialist movement required, as a fundamental, an alliance with the state – since what other agency could be reliably found to implement reforms? The breach with anti-state anarchism in the early workers’ movement, following the collapse of the First International, was never healed – anarchism remained as the minority, critical current relative to the great majority of the labour and socialist movements. But that alliance with the state in turn required the development of state capacity: not only in the sense of the reach of the state, in developing its bureaucratic reach and extending the scope of its functions more widely across social life, but also in the expansion of the economy on which the state rested. Economic growth provided the basis for expanded private provision of goods and services, creating the ...