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2024 (apart from the obvious)

Cory Doctorow doesn't just analyze the 2024 election; he diagnoses a fatal strategic error in how the American left defines "change." While most commentary fixates on personality clashes, Doctorow argues that the Democratic establishment's refusal to challenge corporate power created a vacuum that allowed for a fascist takeover, leaving the nation fighting merely to preserve the next election rather than to win it.

The Pizzaburger Presidency

Doctorow's central thesis dismantles the idea that the Biden administration was a failed attempt at progress. Instead, he frames it as a deliberate strategy of mediocrity designed to keep opposing factions equally unhappy. He writes, "Biden and his team viewed the presidency as an institution for making sure everyone was equally unhappy, a philosophy that Anat Shenker-Osorio calls 'pizzaburger politics.'" This analogy suggests a leadership style that serves a hybrid of pizza and burgers to a family split between the two, ensuring no one gets what they actually want.

2024 (apart from the obvious)

The author illustrates this with the administration's approach to drug pricing. While the public paid exorbitant rates for pharmaceuticals developed largely with public funding, the administration's solution was a "Build Back Better" plan that allowed Medicare to negotiate only a handful of prices, and only after the 2024 election. Doctorow notes, "This is a solution that pleases no one — and that's the point." By delaying tangible benefits, the administration neutralized the political momentum of a policy that could have been a massive victory. Critics might argue that incrementalism is the only path to passing legislation in a divided Congress, but Doctorow contends this approach simply cedes the ground to more aggressive actors.

Biden prided himself on running a pizzaburger presidency, in which every move that satisfied the left of his party was neutralized by a concession to the party's right wing establishment.

This dynamic extended to the administration's relationship with corporate power. Doctorow points out that while the President appointed talented antitrust enforcers like Lina Khan and Jonathan Kanter, he simultaneously appointed lifetime judges who blocked their efforts. The result was a government that "worked at cross-purposes to itself, neutering its boldest initiatives, rendering them impotent." The failure to use the "bully pulpit" to rally public support against judicial obstruction is presented as a critical missed opportunity.

The Mirror World of Progressivism

Doctorow leans heavily on Naomi Klein's concept of the "mirror world" to explain the fracture within the progressive coalition. He argues that liberals and leftists, while sharing surface-level goals, have fundamentally different visions for equality. "For liberals, an equal world is one that fixes the problem that 150 straight white men own everything by replacing 75 of them with racialized people, women and queer people (whereas the leftist fix is abolishing the system in which 150 people own everything)." This distinction is crucial: one seeks representation within the existing hierarchy, while the other seeks to dismantle the hierarchy itself.

The administration's attempt to bridge this gap resulted in a policy paralysis that Doctorow describes as "pizzaburger politics" in action. He argues that the Harris campaign, by failing to campaign on the administration's record of reining in corporate power, effectively told voters it was "all of the above, minus the mental decline and the antitrust." This refusal to articulate a muscular vision of governance left voters without a compelling reason to turn out, other than fear of the opposition.

You don't do that by telling them to oppose Trumpismo — you get them out in the streets by giving them something to support.

The author contrasts this meekness with the aggressive, if dangerous, energy of the opposition. While the administration tinkered in the margins, the opposition staged a "fascist takeover." Doctorow warns that the American people have "comprehensively rejected" the politics of "America is already great," a slogan that ignores the reality of a country driven into a ditch by a coalition that prioritized compromise over results.

Echoes of the Mirror World

The piece's "Object Permanence" section serves as a historical anchor, reminding readers that these struggles are not new. Doctorow references a 2001 link about Denmark legalizing music trading, a precursor to the modern fight against digital enclosure. He also notes a 2006 report on the Vatican astronomer denouncing creationism as "paganism," highlighting how long the battle between institutional dogma and scientific reality has raged. These historical breadcrumbs connect the current political malaise to a longer timeline of institutional failure and public resistance.

The commentary also touches on the "Enshittification" of platforms, a concept Doctorow has developed extensively. He notes that the failure to address copyright filters and wage theft has led to a digital environment where "copyright filters lead to wage-theft." This connects the broader political failure to the specific mechanisms of corporate control that erode worker rights and consumer choice.

Americans are sick of being told that their politicians can't do anything because "they're not the Green Lantern."

Doctorow's argument is that the Green Lantern metaphor is a self-fulfilling prophecy used to justify inaction. By claiming they lack the power to effect change, politicians ensure they never exercise it. The alternative, he suggests, is "constitutional hardball" and a mobilization of millions who are given a positive vision of what a government can achieve.

Bottom Line

Doctorow's most powerful insight is that the rejection of the status quo was not a rejection of progress, but a rejection of a specific kind of hollow, compromise-driven governance that promised nothing fundamental. The argument's greatest strength is its refusal to excuse the administration's failures as mere bad luck, instead framing them as a strategic choice that left the door open for authoritarianism. However, the piece offers less clarity on how a fractured coalition can realistically unite around a bold, anti-corporate agenda without alienating the very voters needed to win. The path forward requires more than just opposing the opposition; it demands a radical reimagining of what a government can and should do.

Deep Dives

Explore these related deep dives:

  • The Shock Doctrine Amazon · Better World Books by Naomi Klein

    How crises are exploited to push through radical free-market policies.

  • No Logo Amazon · Better World Books by Naomi Klein

  • The Beauty Myth Amazon · Better World Books by Naomi Wolf

  • Enshittification

    This Cory Doctorow-coined concept explains the specific economic mechanism by which platforms degrade user experience to extract value, directly illuminating the article's critique of the 'corporate power' the Harris campaign failed to address.

  • Doppelganger: A Trip into the Mirror World

    Naomi Klein's analysis of 'mirror images' in politics provides the theoretical framework the author uses to distinguish between liberal identity politics and leftist systemic change within the progressive coalition.

  • Memex

    Referenced as the 'Memex Method' in the links, this obscure 1945 concept by Vannevar Bush offers a historical counter-narrative to the 'copyright filters' and 'DRM' discussed, showing how early visions of the internet prioritized human association over algorithmic control.

Sources

2024 (apart from the obvious)

by Cory Doctorow · Pluralistic · Read full article

Today's links.

2024 (apart from the obvious): Some unforced errors. Hey look at this: Delights to delectate. Object permanence: Denmark legalizing music trading; Babysuit; Patent Office invites "peer review"; DRM protest at the Bastille; Scientology's "super powers"; Banana Dalek; Florida v pediatricians' gun safety advice; Copyright filters and wage theft; "Who Broke the Internet?" Vatican astronomer v Creationism; Teens, privacy and Facebook; Čapek's graveside robot; Save iTunes; NZ laundered money for Latinamerica's looters; Memex Method. Upcoming appearances: Barcelona, Berlin, Hay-on-Wye, London, NYC, Edinburgh. Recent appearances: Where I've been. Latest books: You keep readin' em, I'll keep writin' 'em. Upcoming books: Like I said, I'll keep writin' 'em. Colophon: All the rest.

2024 (apart from the obvious) (permalink).

Just as Hillary Clinton positioned her run as a third term for Obama ("America is already great"), so did Biden (and then Harris) position their campaigns as a second Biden term. As Biden said (in 2019): "Nothing would fundamentally change":

https://www.salon.com/2019/06/19/joe-biden-to-rich-donors-nothing-would-fundamentally-change-if-hes-elected/

So a vote for Biden would be a vote for another four years of forceful, material support for genocide; another four years of compromise with the Democratic establishment on student debt and healthcare gouging; and another four years of a president who was obviously in mental decline.

Harris's campaign was, "A vote for me is a vote for all of the above (minus the cognitive decline)." Actually, it was worse: by conspicuously failing to campaign on the Biden administration's record on reining in corporate power, a vote for Harris was "A vote for all of the above, minus the mental decline and the antitrust."

Whereas a vote for Trump was a vote for change, a vote to give the establishment a black eye. It was also a vote for genocide and racist pogroms and gangster kleptocracy, which is why many voters stayed home, casting a ballot for America's all-time favorite candidate, "None of the above," while any number of furious people and/or vicious racists turned out for Trump.

There's one book that crystallizes my thoughts on this better than any other: Naomi Klein's 2023 Doppelganger, which analyzes our politics in terms of (warped) "mirror images." One of the mirror world pairings that Klein analyzes is the progressive movement, a coalition of liberals and leftists (led by liberals).

Like every coalition, the two main groups that constitute "the progressives" do not agree on many important issues, though they do have common goals. Both ...