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A pluralist manifesto

In a polarized moment where higher education is often framed as a battleground between competing ideologies, Yascha Mounk offers a startling reframing: the rise of "Civic Thought" programs and the fall of Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) initiatives are not opposing forces, but rather two sides of the same coin. The piece's most distinctive claim is that true American patriotism requires an embrace of diversity as a foundational project, not a concession to modern political trends. For busy readers navigating the noise of campus culture wars, Mounk provides a historical roadmap that suggests the solution isn't choosing between tradition and inclusion, but realizing they are inextricably linked.

The Historical Anchor

Mounk begins by dismantling the conventional wisdom that Civic Thought is merely a conservative project to homogenize American heritage. Instead, he argues that "when you focus on American foundations, you find that America is, inescapably, a diversity project—an experiment in diverse identities coming together to build a greater whole." This framing is powerful because it grounds the argument not in abstract theory, but in the specific, often overlooked actions of the nation's founders. To strengthen this point, Mounk weaves in deep historical context, referencing Roger Williams, who was banished from the Puritan theocracy in 1635 for his diverse opinions and subsequently built Rhode Island on the principle that people of "other worships" could be "peacable and quiet Subjects."

A pluralist manifesto

He further illustrates this by citing the 1657 Flushing Remonstrance, where Calvinist citizens defied Director General Peter Stuyvesant to demand religious liberty for Quakers, Jews, Turks, and Egyptians. Mounk notes that these signatories wrote: "The law of love, peace and liberty in the states extends to Jews, Turks and Egyptians... our desire is not to offend one of his little ones." By anchoring the modern debate in these specific 17th-century documents, the author effectively argues that pluralism is not a recent invention but a centuries-old American imperative. This historical depth adds necessary weight to the claim, moving it beyond partisan talking points.

America is inescapably a diversity project.

The Three Pillars of Pluralism

Moving from history to political theory, Mounk defines pluralism through three distinct pillars: welcoming diversity in a way that recognizes identity as vital to democracy; accepting deep disagreement as inevitable; and cultivating an ethos where people who do not think alike can still act together. He leans on the philosopher John Rawls to frame the central challenge of a diverse society: "How is it possible for there to exist over time a just and stable society of free and equal citizens, who remain profoundly divided by reasonable religious, philosophical, and moral doctrines?"

The argument here is that distinct identity groups are not threats to national unity but rather what Edmund Burke called the "little platoons" of society. Mounk suggests that these communities teach the essential building blocks of democracy, from organizing meetings to inspiring volunteers. However, a counterargument worth considering is whether this idealized view of "little platoons" holds up in an era where identity groups are increasingly siloed and antagonistic toward one another. While Mounk's historical examples show cooperation, current trends suggest that without active intervention, these groups often retreat into echo chambers rather than forming a harmonious whole.

Reclaiming the Narrative from DEI

Perhaps the most provocative section of the piece is Mounk's critique of how Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion programs have been implemented. He concedes that "the problem with DEI programs is not that they champion diversity efforts; it's that they run entire campus regimes in a diversity framework that demonizes so-called majority groups." He argues that these programs often ask minorities to "constantly demean themselves through victim narratives" and divide the population into rigid camps of oppressor and oppressed.

Mounk proposes that Civic Thought programs should not abandon diversity work but rather recover its deeper purpose. He envisions a curriculum where students learn from Frederick Douglass's "What To The Slave Is The Fourth of July" alongside the Founding Fathers, integrating sharp critiques of American failures with the nation's ideals. As Mounk puts it, universities must "initiate students into the conflicts inherent in a diverse democracy and prepare them to articulate and navigate those disagreements in a reasonable way." This approach seeks to replace the policy-heavy, often performative nature of recent DEI mandates with a robust intellectual tradition that fosters genuine civil discourse.

Critics might note that this synthesis is incredibly difficult to achieve in practice. The very mechanisms that made DEI programs effective at highlighting systemic inequities—such as mandatory bias training and specific diversity statements—are the same tools Mounk argues created public distrust. Bridging the gap between acknowledging historical injustice and fostering a unified civic identity remains a formidable challenge for any institution.

Bottom Line

Mounk's strongest contribution is his insistence that pluralism is not a modern political compromise but the original American experiment, supported by a rich tapestry of historical precedent from Roger Williams to Abraham Lincoln. However, the argument's biggest vulnerability lies in its optimism about the ability of universities to simultaneously champion sharp critiques of systemic racism and foster a unified civic ethos without triggering the same backlash that doomed previous DEI initiatives. Readers should watch for whether this "pluralist manifesto" can translate into actual curriculum changes or if it remains an elegant but unattainable ideal.

Deep Dives

Explore these related deep dives:

  • Flushing Remonstrance

    This 1657 petition predates the First Amendment and provides the specific historical precedent for religious pluralism that the author cites to counter the narrative of a homogenous American heritage.

  • Religious views of George Washington

    Washington's response to Moses Seixas articulates the foundational principle that government must give 'no sanction' to bigotry, offering the primary source evidence for the article's claim that diversity is an inescapable American project.

  • Roger Williams

    Williams' banishment from the Puritan theocracy and subsequent founding of Rhode Island illustrates the early, radical experiment in separating civil authority from religious orthodoxy that underpins the author's argument for civic thought.

Sources

A pluralist manifesto

by Yascha Mounk · Persuasion · Read full article

Will you be in Washington, D.C. on Wednesday July 15? I will be interviewing Francis Fukuyama about how liberalism should respond to the postliberal threat. Find out more and get your free ticket here! —Yascha

The rise of Civic Thought programs and the demise of Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) programs are two of the main hallmarks of this moment in higher education, and they are viewed as closely related.

The conventional wisdom will tell you that this is mostly about ideological rebalancing: DEI is the den of progressives who are obsessed with identity; Civic Thought is the lair of conservatives who want to return America to a more homogenous heritage.

But I think there is a different way of looking at things. The distinguishing feature of schools of Civic Thought is a focus on American foundations, and when you focus on American foundations, you find that America is, inescapably, a diversity project—an experiment in diverse identities coming together to build a greater whole.

Consider Roger Williams, who, in 1635, was banished from John Winthrop’s Puritan theocracy for his diverse opinions and built the state of Rhode Island on the foundation that people of “other worships” could be “peacable and quiet Subjects, loving and helpful neighbours, faire and just dealers, true and loyall to the civill government.”

Or the group of mostly Calvinist men in the hamlet of Flushing who in 1657 felt a duty to oppose Director General Peter Stuyvesant’s order forbidding Quaker practice. In a document that came to be called the “Flushing Remonstrance,” they wrote:

The law of love, peace and liberty in the states extends to Jews, Turks and Egyptians, as they are considered sons of Adam … our desire is not to offend one of his little ones, in whatsoever form, name or title hee appears in, whether Presbyterian, Independent, Baptist or Quaker, but shall be glad to see anything of God in any of them, desiring to doe unto all men as we desire all men should doe unto us.

Or the time in August 1790 when President George Washington was received in Newport, Rhode Island by the Warden of the Touro Synagogue, Moses Seixas. Seixas had high hopes for the new nation, but sought assurances that Jews and other religious minorities would be protected. Washington responded in a document that became known as the “Letter to the Hebrew Congregation of Newport, Rhode Island”:

The ...