← Back to Library

Are the Democrats going to save US this time?

Noah Smith delivers a jarring diagnosis for a political moment many hope to ignore: the traditional mechanism of democracy—voting out the bad guys—is breaking because both major parties are drifting toward extremes that alienate the median voter. The piece's most unsettling claim isn't that the opposition has become authoritarian, but that the only alternative is now embracing a left-wing faction whose policy priorities could actively dismantle the very economic engines keeping the nation afloat.

The Hollowed-Out Opposition

Smith begins by dismantling the comforting notion that the current political crisis is merely a personality cult that will vanish with one man. He argues that the movement has calcified into a dangerous ideology. "MAGA is already morphing from a personality cult into an ideology — a deeply xenophobic, economically retrograde ideology obsessed with expelling immigrants," Smith writes. This framing is crucial because it shifts the conversation from individual behavior to systemic transformation. The author suggests that the party's lower ranks are no longer just conservative but are being populated by figures who reject democratic norms entirely.

Are the Democrats going to save US this time?

The evidence Smith marshals is chilling, particularly regarding the rise of the "groypers." He notes that these followers of Nick Fuentes are not fringe outliers but are infiltrating the talent pool of the executive branch. Smith points to a disturbing trend where "gas chamber jokes and ethnic slurs bandied about on Young Republican group chats" have become normalized. This isn't just about internet toxicity; it's about governance. As Smith observes, "election denial has become a litmus test — a profession of faith for the bizarre Trump cult." The implication is clear: the party has lost its ability to self-correct, and the institutional guardrails are eroding.

"The Republicans have never been this bad before."

This stark assessment is supported by polling data Smith cites, showing that a quarter of Republicans under 50 hold antisemitic views. Critics might argue that focusing on the fringes ignores the pragmatic conservatives still holding power, but Smith counters that these voices are being silenced by the demand for political warfare. The argument holds weight when considering how quickly the party moved from the Project 2025 blueprint to actual policy implementation, suggesting a deep ideological alignment rather than opportunistic posturing.

The Democratic Dilemma

If the right has drifted into authoritarianism, Smith asks the uncomfortable question: has the left drifted into irrelevance? He challenges the assumption that a Democratic victory is a guaranteed return to stability. Instead, he paints a picture of a party increasingly captured by the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA), a faction he argues is moving the party too far left to win broad support. Smith highlights the case of Francesca Hong, a candidate in Wisconsin who initially advocated to "cancel Thanksgiving" due to its association with genocide. "Hong refused [to recant], talking about how Thanksgiving was 'incredibly painful' for many people," Smith notes. While she later backtracked, the incident signals a deeper cultural disconnect.

The author argues that this isn't an isolated incident but a symptom of a party that has spent its political capital on culture war stances rather than economic pragmatism. "Democrats could have used this alienation and outrage to become a long-term majority party," Smith writes, "Instead, what they're apparently choosing to do is to select candidates who are so far to the left that they end up frightening and/or offending many voters." This is a sharp critique of the party's strategy, suggesting that they are betting on a binary choice where voters must choose between a fascist and a radical leftist, a gamble that could backfire spectacularly.

The economic implications of this shift are perhaps the most dangerous. Smith warns that a DSA-influenced administration might inadvertently replicate the worst aspects of the current regime's economic policy. He points out that while the left opposes tariffs, their impulse for "command and control over the economy would probably prove irresistible." More critically, he highlights a specific policy clash: "The DSA, however — like many progressive Democrats — wants to halt data center construction. This, of course, would remove the U.S. economy's biggest tailwind." By targeting the infrastructure of artificial intelligence, the author argues, the left could stifle the very growth needed to fund their social programs.

"A Democratic party in which leftists wield significant power will not be the Democratic Party of 2020 or 2008. It will be something else."

This distinction is vital. Smith suggests that the DSA's foreign policy views—such as blaming NATO for Russia's invasion of Ukraine—would leave the U.S. isolated on the world stage, failing to restore the alliances the current administration has damaged. Critics might argue that Smith underestimates the moderating influence of the Democratic establishment, but the rapid rise of figures like Abdul El-Sayed in Michigan and the influence of kingmakers like Hasan Piker suggest the center is indeed shifting.

Bottom Line

Smith's most compelling insight is that the binary choice of "throwing the bums out" is no longer a sufficient strategy for saving American democracy. The strongest part of his argument is the detailed warning that the left's embrace of anti-American rhetoric and anti-growth policies could leave the country worse off than the status quo. However, the piece's biggest vulnerability lies in its potential to discourage voters; by highlighting the flaws of the only viable alternative, it risks creating a sense of fatalism. The reader must watch for whether the Democratic Party can pivot back to the center before the 2028 election, or if the drift toward the extremes becomes irreversible.

"If the U.S. is going to turn its problems around, 'throw the bums out' is no longer enough."

The verdict is clear: the stakes have never been higher, and the assumption that one party is the automatic savior is a dangerous illusion. The path forward requires more than just a change in personnel; it demands a fundamental rethinking of what each party stands for and whether they can still serve the needs of the American people.

Deep Dives

Explore these related deep dives:

  • Groypers

    This article defines the specific online subculture of white identitarian activists that the author identifies as the ideological engine replacing traditional conservatism within the GOP.

  • Project 2025

    While the text describes the GOP's shift toward an authoritarian ideology, this specific Heritage Foundation blueprint details the concrete administrative machinery and personnel plans intended to execute that vision.

  • Pizzagate conspiracy theory

    The article notes the normalization of conspiracy theories and election denial; this specific 2016 conspiracy theory serves as the foundational case study for how fringe online narratives infiltrated and reshaped the Republican base's relationship with reality.

Sources

Are the Democrats going to save US this time?

by Noah Smith · Noahpinion · Read full article

Some people thought Donald Trump’s approval rating would have a floor around 40%. Well, it didn’t:

The nation’s disapprobation is richly deserved. I hardly need to go through the familiar litany of why Trump is bad — the failed war in Iran, the ridiculous tariffs, the destruction of America’s alliances and prestige, the attack on American science, the rampages of ICE, the unprecedented corruption, the authoritarianism, the election denial, the appeasement of Russia, etc. I guess I just did go through it, though. It feels a little cathartic to type it out once again.

If you think the GOP will return to being the party of Mitt Romney, John McCain, or Ronald Reagan after Trump is gone, think again. MAGA is already morphing from a personality cult into an ideology — a deeply xenophobic, economically retrograde ideology obsessed with expelling immigrants, and convinced that wealth has made the West immoral and weak. The party’s lower ranks are already filling up with unabashed fascists, Hitler apologists, and all sorts of scary people:

GOP veterans fret about the rising generation of young staffers in their party…Of specific concern are those labeled groypers — technically, followers of the self-described “White Identitarian” Gen Z streamer Nick Fuentes, though it’s also used as a catch-all term of abuse for young, anti-establishment right-wingers…

Prominent conservative commentators have alleged that groyperism is spreading among younger members of the GOP, including in government — a view seemingly backed by examples like the young Trump administration lawyer who admitted to a “Nazi streak” in text messages…The anxiety over groyperism in the GOP talent pool corresponds to a rise in antisemitism across the political spectrum, including among young conservatives…A Manhattan Institute poll found that a full 25 percent of Republicans under 50 self-identified as having antisemitic views, and 31 percent as holding racist ones…

[T]he troubling anecdotes are legion: gas chamber jokes and ethnic slurs bandied about on Young Republican group chats leaked to POLITICO last fall; a New York Magazine report from just last week linking a former New York Young Republican treasurer to a social media account denigrating Jews, Black people, Muslims and gay people; a House campaign adviser fired for mocking a rape victim on X; the Ron DeSantis presidential campaign staffer axed for retweeting a video featuring a Nazi image, only to join the office of Sen. Eric Schmitt (R-Mo.) and, eventually, the State Department, where ...