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Two kinds of moderate Democrats

Matt Yglesias cuts through the noise of modern political factionalism by proposing a distinction that most observers miss: the difference between politicians who are moderate because they have to be, and those who are moderate because they genuinely believe it. In a landscape often reduced to binary battles, this piece offers a nuanced taxonomy that explains why some Democrats in safe seats still fight for centrist policies while others in swing states cling to progressive orthodoxy. It is a necessary corrective for anyone trying to understand the actual mechanics of the Democratic coalition beyond the headlines.

The Tactical vs. The True

Yglesias begins by dissecting the behavior of Virginia Governor Abigail Spanberger, arguing that her restraint on issues like collective bargaining for local employees isn't just political posturing, but a genuine conviction that clashes with the party base. He notes that while Spanberger operates in a blue state with no term limits for higher office, she remains a "force of restraint against the Democratic legislature," a move that frustrates many within her own party. This highlights a critical tension: tactical actors who survive in purple districts often become the most vocal critics of the party's left flank once they secure power.

Two kinds of moderate Democrats

The author contrasts this with figures like Sarah McBride, whom Yglesias sees as making a "tactical retreat from an electorally indefensible line on trans women's participation in competitive women's sports," versus activists like Martina Navratilova, who are driven by conviction. The distinction is subtle but vital. As Yglesias writes, "The distinction is often revealed only in the moment." This observation is sharp because it challenges the assumption that all moderation is merely a calculation for votes. Sometimes, it is a matter of principle that happens to align with electoral reality.

"But I think she's correct on the merits to raise doubts about mandating collective bargaining for local government employees."

Yglesias extends this logic to the Deep South, citing former Louisiana Governor John Bel Edwards. He argues that while Edwards held positions on guns and abortion that diverged from the national party, he was the only type of candidate who could win in Louisiana. The author suggests that dismissing such figures is a strategic error, noting that "both parties' decision to just write off huge swaths of the country as unwinnable is bad for America." This is a compelling argument for a renewed spirit of tactical moderation, yet it overlooks the long-term damage of normalizing conservative stances on social issues within a party that claims to champion civil rights. Critics might argue that winning a few governorships at the cost of ideological coherence ultimately weakens the party's national brand.

The Manchin Paradox

The piece then turns to the complex legacy of former Senator Joe Manchin, framing him not as a traitor to the cause, but as a politician whose "True Believer" status was forged by the specific incentives of his home state. Yglesias suggests that Manchin's opposition to the filibuster and his skepticism of the Build Back Better plan were not just political maneuvers, but substantive disagreements rooted in his constituency's needs. He writes, "Once you start playing the role of 'guy who champions the interests of coal communities against the demands of green groups,' you'll come to realize that the green groups are genuinely wrong about some things."

This is a provocative claim that forces readers to confront the possibility that the environmental movement may have blind spots regarding economic transition. Yglesias admits, "I think environmentalists are basically right about coal," but insists that "no advocacy community is right about everything." The argument gains depth when he notes that Manchin's push for permitting reform was "right on the merits," even if his overall record was frustrating to progressives. This nuanced take on Manchin is rare; it acknowledges the validity of his policy critiques without excusing the obstructionism that defined his tenure.

"At the end of the day, though, if you want to capture the heart of the party, you need to make arguments that are grounded in conviction, and that means arguing on the merits."

Yglesias also draws on historical context, referencing the Blue Dog Coalition and the dynamics of the 2024 election in Massachusetts to illustrate how safe seats can breed ideological rigidity. He points out that Representative Ed Case of Hawaii is a "formidable electoral over-performer" who faces no tactical pressure to moderate, yet chooses to do so anyway. Case's situation is unique because, as Yglesias notes, "there is genuinely no tactical case for having a moderate in this seat." This underscores the author's central thesis: true moderation must be driven by belief, not just the fear of losing an election.

Beyond the Establishment

Finally, Yglesias tackles the confusion surrounding the "Democratic establishment," challenging the idea that centrists lack a coherent agenda. He argues that the Biden-Harris administration's policies were a "subset of the progressive agenda" tempered by electoral prudence and legal constraints. However, he insists that a distinct centrist agenda is not only possible but necessary. This alternative agenda would prioritize "deficit reduction to put downward pressure on inflation" and embrace "domestic fossil-fuel production as superior to foreign production."

The author's critique of the current establishment is biting: "If by 'the Democratic establishment' you mean something like 'the party's congressional leaders and its past few presidential nominees,' then the reason they have a hard time defining what centrist agenda they favor is that they do not favor a centrist agenda." This is a bold assertion that reframes the internal party conflict not as a struggle between left and right, but as a failure of the leadership to articulate a distinct, substantive vision for the center. Yglesias suggests that moderates are often too afraid to pick fights with the establishment, preferring "dog-whistle moderation" instead.

"Nobody wins elections based on a pure politics of from-the-heart conviction. But opportunism and practicality can't be your whole argument."

This section is particularly strong because it moves beyond the usual complaints about the "extreme left" and instead calls for a more honest debate about policy substance. Yglesias argues that picking fights with the status quo makes moderates seem "more authentic and interesting," a point that resonates in an era of political cynicism. He envisions an agenda built on "abundant housing, rapid economic growth in blue states, and low crime," which he believes could unlock new avenues of opportunity. This vision is inspiring, though it relies heavily on the assumption that the public is ready to embrace supply-side solutions in a way that has proven difficult in recent years.

Bottom Line

Yglesias's most potent contribution is his insistence that the Democratic Party's internal conflict is not just about electability, but about a fundamental lack of ideological clarity among its moderates. The argument's greatest strength lies in its refusal to dismiss tactical actors as mere opportunists, instead recognizing the genuine convictions that often drive them. However, the piece's vulnerability is its optimism that a new, substantive centrist agenda can be easily articulated and sold to a base that has grown increasingly skeptical of compromise. The path forward requires more than just better arguments; it demands a political courage that has been in short supply for a decade.

Deep Dives

Explore these related deep dives:

  • 2024 United States presidential election in Massachusetts

    This specific election data provides the baseline for understanding the 'Progressive Establishment' dominance in deep-blue states that the author contrasts with the 'Tactical Moderates' in purple or red states.

  • Blue Dog Coalition

    This defunct congressional caucus serves as the historical archetype for the 'Tactical Moderates' the author describes, illustrating how a once-powerful faction of pragmatic centrists was eventually marginalized by the party's ideological shift.

  • Term limits in the United States

    Understanding this specific constitutional constraint explains why Abigail Spanberger, despite her moderate stance, faces unique incentives to pivot toward the national Progressive Establishment rather than seeking re-election in her home state.

Sources

Two kinds of moderate Democrats

by Matt Yglesias · Slow Boring · Read full article

Yesterday, I wrote about the distinction between the Insurgent Left and the Progressive Establishment. Today, I want to continue trying to enrich people’s understanding of the Democratic Party factional landscape by drawing a distinction on the moderate side between Tactical Moderates and True Believers.

It can be a little hard to tell the difference because if you’re moderate for tactical reasons, you’re of course going to say that you’re a True Believer. And True Believers still believe in the tactical case for moderation and will make that case in an effort to gain support.

The distinction is often revealed only in the moment.

Abigail Spanberger had a somewhat moderate-ish profile as a House member from a blue-leaning purple district, and she ran for governor of Virginia on that profile and won. Virginia only allows governors to serve one term and is a solidly blue state on the federal level, so to whatever extent Spanberger has ambitions to become a senator or serve on a national ticket or in a cabinet, her incentive is to cater to the Progressive Establishment.

The fact that she is instead operating as a force of restraint against the Democratic legislature is thus a source of real frustration to a lot of Virginia Democrats. But I think she’s correct on the merits to raise doubts about mandating collective bargaining for local government employees.

When Sarah McBride went on “The Ezra Klein Show,” it seemed to me that she was trying to create space for a tactical retreat from an electorally indefensible line on trans women’s participation in competitive women’s sports. Martina Navratilova, by contrast, is trying to persuade Democrats that the left’s line on this is genuinely wrong.

I think that within reasonable bounds, tactical moderation is smart.

I do not agree with John Bel Edwards’s positions on guns or abortion, but it’s obviously the case that no candidate espousing progressive views on those topics would have won a gubernatorial election in Louisiana. It would’ve been great if he’d been persuaded to run for Senate. In general, I’d love to see Democrats nominate more politicians like that in the Deep South because it would create a chance to make progress on Medicaid expansion. Both parties’ decision to just write off huge swaths of the country as unwinnable is bad for America, and a renewed spirit of tactical moderation would bring real substantive benefits.

But I also ...