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How lbj Wired the Texas hill country

In an era dominated by global conglomerates and digital monopolies, Robert Bryce resurrects a forgotten American success story: the rural electric cooperative. This isn't just a history lesson about the Texas Hill Country; it is a compelling argument that local ownership and public power remain the most effective antidotes to the stagnation of rural economies. Bryce's narrative transforms a dry policy dispute from 1938 into a masterclass on how political will can dismantle structural barriers, offering a blueprint for infrastructure that prioritizes people over profit.

The Human Cost of Darkness

Bryce anchors his argument not in spreadsheets, but in the visceral reality of life without electricity. He quotes Lyndon Johnson, who later became president, reflecting on the true purpose of government: "It wasn't the damming of the stream or the harnessing of the floods in which I take pride, but rather in the ending of the waste of the region…new horizons have been opened to young minds, if by nothing more than the advent of electricity into rural homes." This framing is crucial. It shifts the focus from engineering feats to human liberation.

How lbj Wired the Texas hill country

The author emphasizes that before the co-ops arrived, life was defined by relentless physical struggle. Bryce writes that Johnson understood that "Men and women have been released from the waste of drudgery and toil against the unyielding rock of the Texas hills." This is the emotional core of the piece. Bryce argues that electrification was not merely a utility upgrade; it was a fundamental shift in quality of life that allowed women to escape the "washtub" and families to escape the "wood-burning stove." The argument lands because it connects abstract policy to tangible relief from suffering.

"They hated me for these dams…The power companies gave me hell. The power companies gave me hell. They called me a Communist."

Bryce highlights how Johnson faced fierce opposition from established utility interests who viewed public power as a threat to their monopoly. The author notes that Johnson was willing to be labeled a radical to secure federal loans for the Pedernales Electric Cooperative. This historical context is vital; it reminds readers that the infrastructure we take for granted was once a battleground between public interest and private greed.

The Mechanics of Political Will

The narrative then pivots to the specific bureaucratic hurdle that nearly killed the project: the Rural Electrification Administration's (REA) requirement that cooperatives prove they could connect three customers per mile of wire. Bryce explains that the rocky, sparsely populated terrain of the Edwards Plateau made this mathematically impossible under the existing rules. "The county agents had collected nowhere near the number required — not three per mile, but fewer than two," Bryce notes, citing biographer Robert Caro. The co-op appeared "stillborn."

Here, Bryce illustrates the power of political maneuvering. Johnson didn't just accept the rules; he changed the conversation. He returned to President Franklin Roosevelt not with arguments, but with visual proof. Bryce writes, "Don't argue with him, Lyndon, show him." Johnson presented large photos of the dams and electrified homes, forcing the president to see the potential rather than the statistics. Roosevelt's response was decisive: he ordered the loan to be made and told his aide to "charge it to my account," betting that the population would eventually catch up to the infrastructure.

This section of the commentary underscores a critical lesson for modern governance: rigid rules often fail to account for unique local realities, and leadership requires the flexibility to adapt. Bryce points out that Roosevelt's gamble paid off immediately. On September 27, 1938, the co-op received a $1.3 million loan (roughly $23 million today), which built 1,800 miles of lines for nearly 3,000 families. The result was the creation of the largest electric cooperative in the world, serving a territory larger than New Jersey.

Critics might note that relying on the personal charm of a politician to bypass regulatory standards is a fragile model for modern infrastructure policy. In today's polarized climate, such ad-hoc solutions may be harder to replicate without a clear legislative framework. However, the underlying principle—that policy must serve the community's needs rather than the other way around—remains robust.

The Antithesis of Gigantism

Bryce concludes by contrasting the cooperative model with the current dominance of "Big Tech, zillionaire oligarchs, and info-oligopolies." He argues that electric co-ops represent a "quintessence of localism" that is often dismissed as an anachronism. "Co-ops are living remnants of the New Deal, vestiges of another era," Bryce writes, yet they remain "foundational to the prosperity of rural communities across the US."

The data supports this assertion. Nearly 900 co-ops cover more than half the country's landmass, serving 42 million people, including many low-income households. Bryce frames these organizations as the "antithesis of Big Tech," emphasizing that they allow average Americans to own stakes in critical infrastructure. This is a powerful counter-narrative to the prevailing trend of centralized, corporate control. The author suggests that the cooperative model offers a path forward that balances efficiency with civic pride and accountability.

"Co-ops are the antithesis of Big Tech, Bezos, and Zuck. They are the quintessence of localism and small-town America."

The piece draws a parallel to the political influence of Sam Rayburn, Johnson's mentor and the longest-serving Speaker of the House, noting how their alliance helped reshape the Texas economy away from Eastern financial control. This historical depth adds weight to the argument that local ownership is a prerequisite for regional economic independence.

Bottom Line

Robert Bryce's strongest move is reframing rural electrification not as a technical achievement, but as a triumph of democratic will over entrenched monopoly power. The piece's greatest vulnerability lies in its reliance on a specific historical moment where personal relationships could override bureaucratic inertia, a luxury that may not exist in today's gridlocked political environment. Readers should watch for how modern policymakers can adapt the cooperative ethos to current challenges in energy and broadband without relying on a single charismatic figure to force the issue.

Deep Dives

Explore these related deep dives:

  • Sam Rayburn

    The article mentions Rayburn as Johnson's mentor and the longest-serving House Speaker, noting his understanding of Eastern financial control over Texas. A deeper dive into Rayburn's career reveals the Texas Democratic political machine that shaped LBJ's rise and the populist tradition both men represented.

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How lbj Wired the Texas hill country

It wasn’t the damming of the stream or the harnessing of the floods in which I take pride, but rather in the ending of the waste of the region…new horizons have been opened to young minds, if by nothing more than the advent of electricity into rural homes. Men and women have been released from the waste of drudgery and toil against the unyielding rock of the Texas hills. This is the true fulfillment of the true responsibility of government.

— Lyndon Johnson, 1958

I love electric co-ops. Over the past decade or so, I’ve spoken at electric co-op events all across the country, and each time, I’m heartened by the people I get to meet at those events. They are ranchers, farmers, and businesspeople who live in rural communities and plan to stay there. The people who operate the co-ops and sit on their boards, are the people who fix things, grow things, and build things. Co-ops are living remnants of the New Deal, vestiges of another era. They allow average Americans to own stakes in critical energy infrastructure. They represent an ethos of public ownership, accountability, and civic pride.

We live in an age of gigantism and globalism. Big Tech, zillionaire oligarchs, and info-oligopolies dominate our politics and our digital lives.

Co-ops are the antithesis of Big Tech, Bezos, and Zuck. They are the quintessence of localism and small-town America. Given that reality, they may seem like an anachronism. But they are foundational to the prosperity of rural communities across the US. Today, nearly 900 electric co-ops are operating in the US, and their service territories cover more than half of the country’s landmass. They provide electricity to 42 million people, and about 25% of the households they serve have annual incomes of less than $35,000. Put simply, co-ops are an integral part of the American economy and an often-overlooked part of the American success story.

On Saturday night, after visiting Enchanted Rock, we drove back to Austin through Johnson City, home of the Pedernales Electric Cooperative, which now serves a vast swath of Central Texas. I stopped to take a photo of the PEC sign shown above.

Here’s an excerpt from my sixth book, A Question of Power: Electricity and the Wealth of Nations, that tells the story of how, in 1938, a freshman Congressman from Texas, Lyndon Johnson — a man born in a farmhouse without ...