← Back to Library

Britain’s far right want power

Yascha Mounk delivers a chilling on-the-ground report from a future Britain where the far right has not just shouted in the streets, but successfully captured the political imagination of a fractured nation. The piece's most startling claim is not the presence of hate, but the strange, unlikely coalition of Iranian monarchists, Hindu business owners, and working-class Christians all united under a banner of anti-Islam sentiment. This is not a standard political analysis; it is a forensic examination of how a movement transforms from fringe agitation into a governing threat, set against the backdrop of a Labour government in collapse and a Reform party surging to power.

The Unlikely Coalition

Mounk opens by dismantling the assumption that far-right rallies are monoliths of white nationalism. He describes a scene in Parliament Square where the crowd is a "sea of flags" and beer, populated by an Iranian couple and an Indian student who share a specific, terrifying conviction. "I think what all these people have in common is a dislike of Islam," the Iranian man tells Mounk, linking his fear of Sharia law in Britain to his trauma in Iran. Mounk notes that this sentiment is echoed by a woman holding a sign of Reza Pahlavi, the son of the deposed Shah, who sees the "same danger—radical Islam—taking root in the UK."

Britain’s far right want power

This framing is crucial because it highlights a globalization of grievance. Mounk argues that the movement has successfully exported the anxieties of the Middle East and South Asia into the British working class. The Indian student, Sneha, articulates the core fear: "I don't want Islam to be so prevalent. I don't want Sharia here." Mounk observes that while the crowd is overwhelmingly white and working class, the ideological engine is fueled by a diverse group of immigrants who view the UK as a potential second front in a global cultural war. This is a sophisticated pivot from the old EDL (English Defense League) days; the movement now claims to represent a universal defense of civilization rather than just ethnic purity.

"Issues like the grooming gangs and the migrant hotels are not failures to be learned from within a status quo that basically works; they are symptoms of civilizational collapse at the hands of one religion."

The Narrative of Collapse

The article's most potent section details how legitimate societal fractures are being inflated into a narrative of "terminal decline." Mounk interviews Daniel, a soft-spoken man from East London, who argues, "For the last thirty years, the British people have decisively voted for the party that promises to restrict immigration the most, and we've just been ignored. It's not a question of being racist, it's a question of numbers."

Mounk acknowledges that Britain faces real, quantifiable struggles. The economy has stagnated since 2008, public services are strained, and the government has struggled to manage a surge of refugees, including 200,000 crossing the English Channel on small boats since 2018. He notes that while the claim that "sharia law" has been imposed is false, real issues like religious intimidation and the failure to prosecute "grooming gangs" exist. However, Mounk argues that the far right has weaponized these specific failures to paint a picture of total systemic betrayal.

The rhetoric has shifted from policy critique to apocalyptic warning. Mounk describes a young man named Kyle, wrapped in an Israeli flag, who believes World War III is coming "from Islam." Another man, identifying as "Stan Laurel," claims, "We built all this... And now we're fucking retaliating."

Critics might argue that Mounk underestimates the genuine desperation of communities left behind by decades of austerity, suggesting that the "civilizational collapse" narrative is a rational, if extreme, response to the feeling that the state has abandoned its citizens. Yet, Mounk's reporting suggests that the movement's power lies not in solving these problems, but in offering a simple, cathartic enemy for complex economic failures.

The Rise of Tommy Robinson

The piece centers on Tommy Robinson, the movement's charismatic leader, whom Mounk describes as "the closest thing the British right has to a working-class hero." Unlike the upper-class populists of the past, Robinson's criminal past and "boyish, pugilistic" demeanor make him a martyr figure to his followers. Mounk recounts how Robinson's movement exploded following the summer 2024 riots in Southport, where false rumors about the attacker's identity were amplified by the activist, leading to a week of unrest and the firebombing of migrant hotels.

Mounk points out a disturbing evolution in Robinson's tactics: the fusion of street agitation with assertive Christianity. The rally is not just political; it is religious. Mounk writes, "I'm struck by the proliferation of Christian imagery here... At times, the tone is apocalyptic—a large banner reading 'REPENT, TODAY WE ARE IN THE LAST DAYS' flutters against the clouded sky." Attendees like Topaz express a desire to "unite the Kingdom for Jesus," while others distribute the Gospel of Saint John, convinced that Robinson is a man who has found salvation in prison.

This religious turn is a significant departure from the secular nationalism of the early 2010s. Mounk notes that the movement has folded in "working-class Brexit voters, Iranian monarchists, and British admirers of Donald Trump," creating a broad, intersectional front. The movement is no longer just about keeping Britain white; it is about defending a specific vision of Christian civilization against a perceived existential threat.

"The prevailing view is that every civilization has a right to defend itself—and that includes Britain."

The Bottom Line

Yascha Mounk's most compelling argument is that the British far right has successfully rebranded itself from a fringe hate group into a broad-based coalition of the disaffected, leveraging real grievances to push a narrative of civilizational war. The piece's greatest strength is its refusal to dismiss the crowd as merely ignorant, instead showing how their fears are carefully cultivated and amplified by a leader who understands the power of martyrdom and religious fervor. The biggest vulnerability in this movement, however, remains its reliance on a singular, monolithic enemy; as Mounk notes, this view is impossible to reconcile with the lived reality of diverse, integrated communities like Haringey, suggesting that the movement's ultimate success depends on the continued failure of the state to address the very real integration and economic issues it claims to solve.

Deep Dives

Explore these related deep dives:

  • The Far Right Today Amazon · Better World Books by Cas Mudde

  • List of riots

    The article mentions Southport and Luton as flashpoints, and this specific event details the tactical escalation of far-right counter-protests that the 'Unite the Kingdom' rally seeks to emulate or surpass.

  • Islam in the United Kingdom

    While the rally participants express a visceral fear of Sharia imposition, this article clarifies the actual limited legal scope of Sharia councils in Britain, contrasting the movement's apocalyptic rhetoric with the mundane reality of civil arbitration.

  • Reza Pahlavi

    The Iranian woman in the crowd holds a sign for this figure, and his specific political history as a secular monarchist in exile explains why anti-Islam sentiment among Iranian diaspora often aligns with British far-right movements despite their differing views on immigration.

Sources

Britain’s far right want power

by Yascha Mounk · Persuasion · Read full article

Parliament Square is heaving. All around me, thousands press towards a stage on which a black gospel choir is performing. There’s a sea of flags, lots of people are drinking beer.

I’m on the outskirts of the crowd, in the shadow of Big Ben, and I’ve struck up a conversation with a group of strangers who hadn’t met before today.

There’s an Iranian couple who’ve lived in the UK for several years. There’s an Indian student on a temporary visa. There’s a business owner who grew up Hindu in Germany but whose parents hail from Afghanistan. Suffice it to say, these are not the kinds of people I thought I’d end up meeting at the “Unite the Kingdom” march organized by the far-right activist Tommy Robinson.

The Iranian man is blunt. “I think what all these people have in common is a dislike of Islam,” he says, gesturing at the crowd. He’s been talking about his hatred of Sharia law, about his belief that it is being imposed in Britain, just like in his native Iran.

Beside him, a woman holds up a sign bearing the image of Reza Pahlavi, the son of the deposed Shah of Iran. She speaks fluently about the oppression of the Islamic Republic and her sympathy with the protesters in her home country. She believes that the same danger—radical Islam—is taking root in the UK.

Sneha, the Indian student, agrees. She tells me that she doesn’t plan to remain in the UK once her studies are over, but she does plan to return as a tourist. And when she does, “I don’t want Islam to be so prevalent. I don’t want Sharia here.”

The demographic diversity in this group is unusual. The rally is overwhelmingly white and working class—for the most part, it’s exactly the sort of crowd you’d expect. But almost without fail, everyone I speak to over the course of the day converges on this same view of Islam. I can tell that most people here are torn between wariness of voicing their views in public and feeling that things have gotten so bad that they just have to speak out.

All of this is taking place a week after the British public handed the Labour government a devastating loss in local elections. The right-populist Reform led by Nigel Farage emerged as the largest party, gaining well over a thousand council seats. Labour ...