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The American suburbs are better than you think

Noah Smith challenges the entrenched urbanist dogma that suburbs are inherently isolating and inefficient, arguing instead that they offer a rational, often superior lifestyle for millions of Americans. By dismantling the myths of endless commutes and social desolation with hard data, Smith reframes the debate from a moral failing of suburbanites to a mismatch of life stages and housing policy. This is essential reading for anyone tired of the zero-sum war between city and country, offering a path toward a more nuanced understanding of where Americans actually want to live.

The Commute Myth

Smith begins by attacking the most persistent stereotype: that suburban life necessitates a punishing, hours-long commute. He notes that while cities often refuse to build sufficient housing, forcing people outward, the reality of American travel times defies the narrative of suburban suffering. "Despite greater sprawl, Americans have some of the shortest commutes in the developed world," Smith writes, citing OECD data to prove that the average American spends less time traveling to work than their peers in Europe or Japan.

The American suburbs are better than you think

The core of his argument rests on the polycentric nature of American urban agglomerations. Unlike the single-district models of older European cities, American jobs are scattered, meaning "suburbanites tend to live near where they work." Smith further argues that the car is not a burden forced upon residents by poor planning, but a preferred technology for point-to-point travel. He cites a 2020 study by Liao et al. which found that public transit takes "on average 1.4–2.6 times longer than driving a car," even in transit-friendly cities like Stockholm and Amsterdam. "Cars are not a cost forced upon suburbanites in exchange for their large houses," Smith asserts. "They are a thing people want in and of themselves."

This framing is effective because it shifts the focus from infrastructure failure to consumer preference. However, critics might note that while driving is faster, it is not always more equitable; the analysis glosses over the high financial cost of car ownership and the environmental toll of a car-dependent system, which remains a significant policy hurdle.

"Cars are not a cost forced upon suburbanites in exchange for their large houses, as some urbanists believe. They are a thing people want in and of themselves, and are willing to pay a lot of money for, all over the world."

The Loneliness Fallacy

Moving to the social dimension, Smith tackles the assumption that density equals connection and suburbia equals isolation. He points out that the intuition that walking past strangers creates community is flawed. "People aren't just like particles bouncing around in a chemistry experiment," he argues, explaining that meaningful bonds are formed through repeated interaction, not random proximity.

Smith marshals a series of studies to back this up. He references Abshire et al. (2022), which found that "Mean unadjusted loneliness scores were lower in suburban compared to urban areas." He also cites Hammond et al. (2021), noting that "Increased overcrowding and population density were associated with higher levels of loneliness," while contact with nature reduced it. The argument suggests that the suburban house, often mocked as a "McMansion," serves a vital social function: "They're for entertaining guests. It's harder to have a dinner party or a TV night or a game night at a tiny little Manhattan apartment than at a big suburban McMansion."

This is a compelling rebuttal to the urbanist disdain for the suburbs. By highlighting that "Japan has the world's best cities, but struggles with widespread loneliness," Smith effectively decouples physical density from social well-being. The evidence suggests that the quality of social interaction matters more than the quantity of strangers one passes on the street.

The Life Cycle Shift

Perhaps the most persuasive part of Smith's piece is his explanation for why the demographic tide is turning away from city centers. He acknowledges that the urban revival of the 1990s and 2000s was real but largely driven by young, high-earning professionals. "Workers of all skill levels tend to move towards lower-amenity areas during their thirties and forties," he writes, citing research by Albouy and Faberman (2025). This shift is not a failure of the suburbs, but a natural evolution of family life.

Smith highlights that the migration is being led by Millennials, who are moving to the periphery not just because they are pushed out by rents, but because they are pulled by the needs of raising children. "Individuals, particularly the college educated, tend to move towards lower-amenity areas after having their first child," he notes. The data from the Joint Center for Housing Studies confirms that early millennials are increasingly settling in suburban areas with lower density. This challenges the narrative that urbanists are simply fighting a losing battle; rather, they are fighting against the biological and economic realities of family formation.

Smith argues that the constant ranting against suburbia "creates the suspicion that urbanists and YIMBYs want to make the whole nation into Manhattan." He warns that this polarization is counterproductive. "Painting the quest for denser metropolises as an attack on suburbia makes everything needlessly confrontational, polarized, and zero-sum." By acknowledging that "even Japan is mostly suburbanized," he grounds his argument in a global reality that urbanists often ignore.

"Painting the quest for denser metropolises as an attack on suburbia makes everything needlessly confrontational, polarized, and zero-sum."

Bottom Line

Smith's strongest contribution is his refusal to treat suburban preferences as a mistake to be corrected, instead validating them as a rational response to life stages and the specific advantages of car-based mobility. The argument's biggest vulnerability lies in its relative silence on the long-term sustainability of car-centric sprawl and the exclusionary zoning laws that historically created these segregated landscapes. Readers should watch for how this nuanced view of suburbia influences future housing policy, moving beyond the binary of "build everywhere" to a more tailored approach that respects diverse lifestyle choices.

Deep Dives

Explore these related deep dives:

  • Exclusionary zoning

    This specific legal mechanism explains the author's argument that supply constraints in desirable cities force high-earning residents into suburbs they do not prefer, creating the artificial scarcity driving up rents.

Sources

The American suburbs are better than you think

by Noah Smith · Noahpinion · Read full article

“Buy a big house and live in the suburbs” — Tracy Chapman

“Outside suburbia’s sprawling everywhere/ I don’t want to go, baby” — Kim Wilde

I grew up in the suburbs, and when I got the chance, I moved to a big city and never looked back.1 I love living in dense, built-up urban areas, with great train systems and tons of restaurants and shops. Japanese cities are the best in the world, and I’ve written plenty of posts about what makes them so great. But you don’t have to be Japan in order to create amazing metropolises — New York City, Paris, Istanbul, Seoul, London, etc. are all excellent places to live.

I’m far from the only person who feels this way. Rents in New York City are absolutely insane — $5300 a month to live in Manhattan, $4350 to live in Brooklyn. That’s partly because there are a lot of good jobs in NYC — it’s a cluster for industries like finance and media. But more and more, Americans move to cities because they like living there.

As early as 2000, economists were starting to find that “amenities” were driving America’s urban revival even more than job opportunities were. Couture and Handbury (2020) find that wanting to be close to restaurants and nightlife explains about 40% of the trend of young, high-earning, college-educated people2 moving to cities in recent decades. Furthermore, the stereotype of dense cities as crime-ridden and unsafe is just wrong — NYC has one of the lowest violent crime rates among big cities in America.

I’ve been a relentless advocate of building more dense, walkable cities in America. Not only would this raise GDP (because of improved clustering effects), but it would let Americans live where they want. The demand for life in cities like NYC exceeds America’s willingness to supply these environments; this raises rents in places like NYC, which pushes a lot of people into the suburbs who don’t want to be there. Forcing those city types into the ‘burbs raises rents for people who like suburbia. Basically, everyone would be happy if America had a few more Manhattans and a lot more Brooklyns.

Yet among my fellow urbanists and YIMBYs, I often encounter disdain or outright hostility toward the suburbs that define most of America’s present urban landscape. This isn’t just an urbanist thing, of course — my own parents had a ...