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The snail farmer of London, his mafia friends, and a £20m vendetta against the taxman

In a story that reads like a crime novel but is grounded in verified tax law, Michael Macleod exposes a brazen scheme where empty London offices are legally reclassified as snail farms to evade millions in business rates. This is not a tale of high-tech financial engineering, but of absurd biological loopholes and a seventy-nine-year-old former shoe salesman who views the tax system as a personal enemy to be defeated through "devilment." The piece matters now because it reveals how easily the gap between regulatory intent and legal definition can be exploited, turning central London office blocks into breeding grounds for molluscs rather than commerce.

The Anatomy of a Loophole

Macleod's reporting hinges on a bizarre intersection of agricultural law and urban decay. He details how former Chancellor Gordon Brown's 2008 decision to charge full business rates on empty commercial properties created a financial crisis for landlords, which Terry Ball—a man Macleod describes as "cheerfully telling me in great detail" about his crimes—decided to weaponize. Ball discovered that while breeding salmon in a Marylebone office is impossible, the law defines a fish farm as a site breeding "molluscs of any description."

The snail farmer of London, his mafia friends, and a £20m vendetta against the taxman

"Ball clocked while reading tax guidance at two o'clock one morning in the 2010s, that there was a further clarification regarding the law," Macleod writes, noting that a ministerial statement from the late 1980s inadvertently included land-based snails in this exemption. This discovery allowed Ball to set up shell companies in empty buildings, claim they were active farms, and refuse to pay taxes. The author's framing is effective because it highlights the absurdity: the system is so rigid that a box of snails can legally override the economic reality of a vacant office.

"I just do it for devilment. I do it just to get away with it."

Macleod does not shy away from the sheer audacity of Ball's motivation. The article suggests that Ball's actions are driven less by greed and more by a deep-seated resentment toward the authorities who bankrupted him in the past. He is quoted proudly stating, "I'm turning 80 next month and I haven't got jack shit in my name. What are they going to do?" This quote underscores the futility of the state's position; Ball has nothing left to seize, making the threat of prosecution hollow. Critics might argue that focusing on Ball's personal vendetta distracts from the systemic failure that allows such schemes to persist, but Macleod uses Ball's personality to humanize a dry bureaucratic failure, making the stakes feel immediate and personal.

The Camorra Connection

The narrative takes a darker turn as Macleod introduces the international underworld elements of the operation. The reporter sits in a Lancashire pub with Ball and "Joseph," a man Macleod identifies as Giuseppe, a former member of the Naples mafia who was imprisoned after a friend turned informant. Ball claims he employs Giuseppe as a "thank you" for past favors, creating a symbiotic relationship between the tax evader and the criminal underworld.

"I did them favours, they did me favours," Ball explains regarding his decades-long relationship with the Camorra, a detail Macleod verifies through interviews and historical context. The author's choice to include this element elevates the story from a simple tax dispute to a complex web of organized crime and regulatory evasion. It suggests that the machinery of tax avoidance in London is not just a matter of accountants and lawyers, but can involve international criminal networks. The inclusion of Ball's claim that he once hid mafia killers on the run adds a layer of danger that contrasts sharply with the mundane setting of a snail breeding operation.

Macleod's reporting is meticulous here; he notes that "Almost everything he tells me seems improbable, yet everything I could later verify checks out." This verification is crucial. Without it, the story could easily be dismissed as a tall tale. By confirming the existence of the shell companies, the snail farms, and the connections to the underworld, Macleod forces the reader to confront the reality that the "snail farmer" is a real, functioning entity within the city's economy.

The Mechanics of the Scam

The piece provides a granular look at how the scheme operates on the ground. Macleod visits Winchester House, an office block where snails are kept in sacks branded with "L'Escargotiere," and describes the chaotic environment where "snails of any description" are bred to meet legal definitions. The author notes that Ball uses a "phoenix" strategy: when a company is liquidated for unpaid debts, he simply abandons it and starts a new one.

"They're just shell companies to sign the legal paperwork," Macleod paraphrases Ball's explanation of the corporate structure. The author points out that Westminster council is currently seeking to recover over £286,000, yet the cycle continues. The reporting highlights the inefficiency of the enforcement mechanism; the state is chasing debts that are designed to be uncollectible. Macleod writes, "Every so often a local council successfully has one liquidated for unpaid debts, so Ball just phoenixes it – abandoning the old company (and with it, its debts) and starting a new one."

This section of the article is particularly strong because it moves beyond the sensationalism of the mafia connections to the dry, frustrating reality of tax collection. The author's observation that Ball has no intention of filing accounts or paying taxes, yet operates with a "glint in his eye," paints a picture of a man who has outmaneuvered the system not through complexity, but through sheer persistence and a lack of fear.

"You can't take nothing off nothing. They've stopped torturing people."

The finality of Ball's statement, as quoted by Macleod, serves as a chilling reminder of the limits of state power when an individual has nothing left to lose. It reframes the conflict not as a battle of wits between the taxman and the evader, but as a battle of attrition where the evader has already won by rendering himself insolvent.

Bottom Line

Michael Macleod's piece is a masterclass in investigative storytelling, using the absurdity of snail farming to expose a profound failure in London's tax enforcement and property laws. The strongest element is the verification of Ball's outlandish claims, which transforms a potential urban legend into a documented case of systemic exploitation. However, the article's greatest vulnerability is its potential to romanticize a criminal enterprise; by focusing so heavily on Ball's "devilment" and the colorful characters around him, it risks downplaying the broader harm of tax avoidance to public services. The reader should watch for how Westminster and other councils attempt to close this specific loophole, as the battle between the snail farmer and the state is far from over.

Sources

The snail farmer of London, his mafia friends, and a £20m vendetta against the taxman

by Michael Macleod · London Centric · Read full article

It is a drizzly October afternoon and I am sitting in a rural Lancashire pub drinking pints of Moretti with London’s leading snail farmer and a convicted member of the Naples mafia. We’re discussing the best way to stop a mollusc orgy.

The farmer, a 79-year-old former shoe salesman called Terry Ball who has made and lost multiple fortunes, has been cheerfully telling me in great detail for several hours about how he was inspired by former Conservative minister Michael Gove to use snails to cheat local councils out of tens of millions of pounds in taxes.

His method is simple. First, he sets up shell companies that breed snails in empty office blocks. Then he claims that the office block is legally, against all indications to the contrary, a farm, and therefore exempt from paying taxes.

“They’re sexy things,” chuckles Ball in a broad Blackburn accent, describing the speed with which two snails can incestuously multiply into dozens of specimens if they’re left alone in a box for a few weeks. Snails love group sex and cannibalism, he warns.

As the conversation drifts away from snail breeding he describes personal connections to a very prominent member of the House of Commons, his years hiding Italian mafia killers while they were on the run, and the potential market for snail salami.

Almost everything he tells me seems improbable, yet everything I could later verify checks out. I’ve got little reason to doubt the rest.

We’re drinking with “Joseph”, a snail farm employee. An hour earlier I’d seen him using a cleaver to chop up lettuce to feed thousands of the animals. They’re then shipped out to premises across the country, including four big snail farms they’re currently running in London. Taking out his phone, Ball shows off pictures of another man, “my mafia boss friend”, posing with the legendary Napoli footballer Diego Maradona in the 1980s.

“Joseph”, who speaks with an unusual Italian-Lancastrian accent, turns out to be a man called Giuseppe from Naples. In a very matter-of-fact manner Giuseppe explains how he previously spent four years inside prison because a former friend, a convicted mafia murderer, turned into an informant and helped the Italian authorities convict his former criminal colleagues.

Ball says he has employed Giuseppe to look after his tax-dodging snails as a thank you. Giuseppe once warned him not to travel to Italy, at a time when ...