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Cfr's mike froman on détente 2.0 and running a think tank

In a landscape often dominated by personality-driven headlines, this interview with Mike Froman offers a sobering, structural diagnosis of the U.S.-China relationship that transcends the current political moment. Jordan Schneider, the author, expertly guides the former U.S. Trade Representative and current Council on Foreign Relations president through a historical lens that reveals a startling continuity: the failed strategies of the Cold War are being dangerously replayed in the era of economic interdependence. The piece's most compelling insight is not a prediction of war, but the grim realization that we have entered a stalemate of "mutual assured destruction" where economic leverage is now a two-way street, and the old playbook of using trade to force political transformation is dead.

The Illusion of Positive Linkage

Schneider anchors the conversation in Froman's 1992 dissertation, a work the author thought was obsolete until the echoes of the Soviet era resurfaced in the U.S.-China dynamic. The core argument here is a rejection of "positive linkage," the theory that cooperation in one area (like climate or trade) creates leverage to resolve conflicts in another (like human rights or territorial disputes). Froman is blunt about the historical record: "The theory of using détente as a means of transformation was based largely on the misguided assumption that the U.S. could use cooperation on common interests as a source of leverage over conflicting ones."

Cfr's mike froman on détente 2.0 and running a think tank

This framing is crucial because it dismantles a decades-long foreign policy orthodoxy. Schneider notes that for thirty years, American administrations operated under the belief that economic integration would inevitably lead China toward political pluralism. Froman argues this was a fundamental misreading of the other side's incentives. "In China's view, they in many respects separated areas of common interest from areas of potential conflict... and were unwilling to allow cooperation in one area to really affect their interests and how they pursue them in the others." The commentary here is sharp: the West assumed a linear path to convergence that never existed, treating economic interdependence as a bridge rather than a potential weapon.

Critics might argue that this retrospective view ignores the genuine optimism of the 1990s, when leaders like Zhu Rongji were actively pursuing market-oriented reforms that seemed to validate the engagement strategy. However, Froman's point stands that the trajectory was never guaranteed, and the assumption that economic openness would automatically yield political change was always a gamble that has now clearly failed.

From Nuclear Warheads to Rare Earths

The interview takes a darker turn as it explores the concept of escalation dominance, shifting the metaphor from nuclear weapons to supply chains. Schneider and Froman discuss how the Cold War logic of "mutual assured destruction" has migrated from the realm of physics to the realm of economics. "What we've seen more recently in the U.S.-China relationship is we have leverage in terms of access to our markets and access to our technology, but China too has leverage in terms of their capacity to control critical choke points of key technologies — whether it's critical minerals, rare earths, magnets, et cetera."

This is the piece's most striking analytical pivot. It suggests that the stability of the relationship no longer depends on the absence of conflict, but on the mutual inability to inflict catastrophic economic damage without self-harm. Schneider draws a parallel to the Cold War, noting that even after nuclear parity was achieved, the competition did not end; it merely shifted to proxy wars and technological positioning. "It's likely to lead to a certain degree of selective decoupling, whether it's on advanced technology issues where we'll go our way and China will go its way." The implication is that the global economy is fracturing into competing spheres, not because of a desire for isolation, but because the cost of entanglement has become too high.

We have reached a stalemate where both sides realize that neither can escalate in a costless way.

The analysis here is grounded in recent events, specifically China's willingness to restrict exports of critical materials like magnets. Froman suggests this could ironically create a form of stability: "It's unclear at this point... This ultimately could be, ironically, a force for stability with each side recognizing that the other side has some significant leverage." This is a sobering take for those hoping for a return to pre-2018 trade norms; the new normal is a fragile equilibrium of mutual vulnerability.

The Limits of Transformation and the Need for Rules

Perhaps the most important takeaway from the conversation is the abandonment of the goal to transform China's political system. Schneider and Froman agree that the era of trying to change Beijing's internal trajectory through external engagement is over. "It's not about domestic transformation... This isn't about making China collapse. It's about seeing whether we can come up with rules of the road so that China and the rest of the global economy can coexist without undue tension."

This shift in objective is profound. It moves the policy focus from idealism to management. Froman points out that current diplomatic efforts often miss the forest for the trees, focusing on narrow issues like fentanyl or TikTok while ignoring the structural imbalances driving the tension. "The main issues were fentanyl, soybeans and TikTok. We're not asking ourselves: how do we get to the fundamental relationship between the two economies around China's strategy of export-led growth, excess capacity, high subsidization of critical areas?" The commentary here serves as a critique of the current diplomatic agenda, suggesting that without addressing these root causes, any "détente" will be superficial.

The discussion also touches on the domestic political economy of the United States, noting that while high-tech decoupling is necessary, the trade of consumer goods like T-shirts and sneakers remains vital for low-income Americans. Froman argues for a nuanced approach: "Can we take T-shirts and sneakers and toys from China without compromising our national security? I would think so." This distinction between strategic and non-strategic trade is a pragmatic middle ground that is often lost in the polarized rhetoric of the day.

Bottom Line

Jordan Schneider's interview with Mike Froman is a vital corrective to the wishful thinking that still permeates U.S. foreign policy circles. Its greatest strength is the clear-eyed rejection of the "transformation" thesis, replacing it with a realistic framework of managed competition and mutual vulnerability. The argument's vulnerability lies in its reliance on the assumption that both sides will act rationally to avoid economic self-destruction; it offers little guidance on what happens when domestic political pressures in either country force an escalation that defies economic logic. For the busy reader, the takeaway is clear: the era of hoping to change China is over; the era of managing a dangerous, interdependent stalemate has just begun.

Deep Dives

Explore these related deep dives:

  • Détente

    The central concept of the article - understanding the historical policy of détente between the US and Soviet Union provides essential context for Froman's dissertation findings and their application to modern US-China relations

  • Mutually assured destruction

    Froman explicitly discusses how MAD has evolved from nuclear weapons to rare earths, supply chains, and technology in US-China relations - understanding the original doctrine illuminates this modern analogy

  • Zhu Rongji

    Mentioned alongside Jiang Zemin as representing China's reform trajectory - his specific economic reforms as Premier (1998-2003) exemplify the market-oriented path China was on before Xi Jinping reversed course

Sources

Cfr's mike froman on détente 2.0 and running a think tank

by Jordan Schneider · ChinaTalk · Read full article

Mike Froman is president of the Council on Foreign Relations, former U.S. Trade Representative, and a substacker. He joins ChinaTalk to discuss:

Why his 1992 dissertation on détente is suddenly relevant again – and why “positive linkage” fails to change adversary behavior,

How mutual assured destruction has shifted from nuclear weapons to rare earths, supply chains, and technology, and why the U.S. and China are stuck in a costly, uncomfortable stalemate,

How think tanks work — salary levels, where the money comes from, and what to expect from Mike’s tenure.

Listen now on your favorite podcast app.

Détente Redux.

Jordan Schneider: We’re going to take it all the way back to 1992. You did your dissertation about this idea of détente and how it evolved from the ’50s all the way through the end of the Reagan administration. Coming to your conclusion, the echoes of where we are today and that theme seem to be very striking. Why don’t you pick a quote and then kick it off from there?

Mike Froman: “To retain the support of the American public, U.S.-Soviet relations must be based on reciprocity. Détente suffered no greater liability than the public’s perception that the Soviets exploited it at the United States’ expense. To be reciprocal, however, U.S. policy must embody reasonable expectations.”

Mike Froman: I thought I was writing a historic piece. The end of the Cold War came. I put the book on the shelf, thought it would never be opened again. And yet, Jordan, there you found it and indeed have highlighted that there might be some relevance to the U.S.-China relationship today.

Jordan Schneider: I played this game with Kurt Campbell. He did his thesis on Soviet relations with South Africa and the tensions of how the U.S. navigated that dynamic. Everything’s coming back.

We’re sitting here in the fall of 2025. We have a president who is probably as far towards the “let’s do détente” mindset as you could have gotten in this political moment. What do you think are the bounds of what an American president today could domestically go towards if they were in a détente mindset?

Mike Froman: The issue of détente back in the old Soviet days was — was it a strategy to transform the Soviet Union by engaging with it, or was it a reflection that we had to engage with it because we had overwhelming ...