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Unlocked repost: Curing U.S. Health care, part II

Paul Krugman returns with a stark reminder that the United States' healthcare system is not a free market, but a fragile political construct held together by subsidies, tax breaks, and a history of racial anxiety. While many assume the Affordable Care Act is now a permanent fixture, Krugman argues that the current administration is actively dismantling the very mechanisms that kept 27 million people insured, projecting a return to a crisis that could leave 16 million more without coverage by 2034.

The Myth of the Free Market

Krugman begins by dismantling the common misconception that American healthcare is a purely private endeavor. He writes, "The U.S. healthcare system is a patchwork of different programs that falls short of universal coverage yet achieves a relatively high level of coverage using versions of all three approaches." This framing is essential because it exposes the sheer scale of government intervention already present, from the tax code subsidizing employer plans to the federal government paying a larger share of total costs than private insurers. The author points out that the tax break for employment-based insurance is a massive, often overlooked subsidy that only exists because companies agree to cover all workers regardless of medical history.

Unlocked repost: Curing U.S. Health care, part II

The argument gains traction when Krugman highlights the economic drag of the current gaps. "Lack of health insurance leads many Americans to forego preventive care, which ultimately both raises costs and causes long-term health problems that are a drag on productivity and the economy as a whole." This is a crucial pivot from moral arguments to economic ones, suggesting that the uninsured are not just a humanitarian issue but a fiscal liability. However, critics might note that while the economic argument is sound, it often fails to move a political base that prioritizes ideological purity over fiscal pragmatism.

"The answer to those questions lies in the special history of U.S. health policy, which has been strongly shaped by two forms of American exceptionalism: The power of big money and racial antagonism."

The Long Shadow of History

To understand why the U.S. remains an outlier, Krugman digs into the 80-year history of failed reform attempts, tracing a line from FDR's hesitation to Truman's defeat. He notes that Harry Truman's 1947 push for national health insurance "ran aground in the face of fierce opposition from the American Medical Association, which denounced his plan as 'socialized medicine.'" But the deeper, more uncomfortable truth Krugman uncovers is the role of racial politics. He explains that southern Democrats opposed national insurance specifically because they feared it would force the desegregation of southern hospitals.

This historical context is vital for understanding current resistance to expansion. Krugman illustrates this with the story of "Operation Coffee Cup," a 1961 campaign where doctors' wives hosted gatherings to listen to Ronald Reagan warn that socialized medicine would destroy freedom. The legacy of this era is visible today in the "Medicaid coverage gap," where states refuse federal funds to expand coverage. Krugman observes, "The initial map of Medicaid expansion versus non-expansion almost precisely matched the battle lines at the start of the U.S. Civil War in 1861." The implication is clear: political decisions about health are still being made through the lens of racial exclusion.

"To be blunt, expanding Medicaid would disproportionately help black people, and in a large part of the U.S. politicians were willing to pay a substantial fiscal and economic price to deny some of their constituents that aid."

The Fragility of the Affordable Care Act

The commentary then shifts to the specific mechanics of the 2010 legislation. Krugman describes the ACA not as a radical overhaul, but as an incremental fix designed to avoid the fate of the Clinton plan. He writes, "Unlike earlier efforts, it was notable for what it didn't do. Specifically, it made no significant changes to employment-based health insurance... Nor did it change Medicare." By leaving the existing system intact, Democrats managed to buy off the insurance industry, turning potential enemies into stakeholders.

However, the system's stability was precarious. Krugman details how the "three-legged stool" of the ACA—subsidies, regulations, and a mandate for healthy people to buy in—was compromised when the mandate penalty was removed. "The result was that some healthy people dropped out, which led in turn to higher premiums." Despite this, the system held, largely due to enhanced subsidies introduced later. The danger now, Krugman warns, is that the current executive branch is reversing course. He cites projections that the administration's actions will "add 16 million people to the rolls of the uninsured by 2034," effectively undoing the progress made since 2010.

Critics of Krugman's analysis might argue that the focus on the ACA's vulnerabilities ignores the broader structural inefficiencies of the U.S. system that exist regardless of who is in power. Yet, his point remains that political will is the primary variable; without it, the patchwork unravels.

Bottom Line

Krugman's most compelling contribution is his refusal to treat the rollback of healthcare access as a mere policy disagreement, framing it instead as the latest chapter in a century-long struggle defined by racial antagonism and corporate power. The strongest part of this argument is the historical evidence linking current Medicaid refusals to Civil War-era politics, a connection that strips away the veneer of fiscal conservatism. The biggest vulnerability, however, is the assumption that the economic costs of uninsurance will eventually force a political reversal; history suggests that ideology often trumps economics in the American healthcare debate. Readers should watch closely as the administration's next moves in 2034, which could mark the beginning of a new era of mass uninsurance.

Deep Dives

Explore these related deep dives:

  • Health insurance in the United States

    This article explains the accidental historical origin of the U.S. system during World War II wage controls, which is the foundational 'patchwork' structure Krugman argues makes universal reform uniquely difficult compared to other nations.

  • Medicaid coverage gap

    While the ACA is well-known, the specific legal battle over the optional expansion and the resulting 'coverage gap' in non-expansion states is the critical nuance explaining why the U.S. still falls short of universal coverage despite the law's passage.

  • Operation Coffee Cup

    This specific historical event illustrates the deep-rooted ideological hostility Krugman mentions, showing how the modern right's opposition to government healthcare was strategically manufactured decades before the current political crisis.

Sources

Unlocked repost: Curing U.S. Health care, part II

by Paul Krugman · Paul Krugman · Read full article

Taking today off, mostly. Taking this out from behind the paywall.

On March 23, 2010 President Barack Obama signed the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act — usually referred to either as the Affordable Care Act or as Obamacare — into law. Joe Biden, then the vice president, could be overheard whispering “This is a big fucking deal.” And it was.

The ACA, which went into full effect in 2014, created a system of subsidies and regulations designed to make health insurance available to many Americans who had previously been left out. It worked: In 2010 there were 47 million uninsured people in America, but by 2016 this number had dropped to 27 million. This still fell short of the universal health insurance that every other advanced nation has, but it was real progress.

In 2017, during his first term, Donald Trump tried to destroy the ACA, replacing it with the American Health Care Act — legislation that would have eliminated most of the provisions that expanded health insurance under Obama.

At the time the Congressional Budget Office projected that the G.O.P.’s replacement bill would nearly double the number of Americans without health insurance, increasing the total uninsured population by 23 million and undoing all of the progress achieved under the ACA.

However, the attack on Obamacare failed by one vote in the Senate, and the ensuing public backlash against the G.O.P. delivered a large victory in the 2018 midterms to the Democrats. After these developments many observers assumed that the ACA had become a more or less permanent feature of American life.

Such assessments, however, failed to take into account the deep hostility of the U.S. right toward policies that expand access to healthcare. As we’ll see, this hostility goes back generations. And the second Trump administration has taken actions that the CBO projects will add 16 million people to the rolls of the uninsured by 2034.

How did we get here? And now what? Today’s primer will analyze the political economy of U.S. healthcare since the 1940s and the combination of danger and opportunity created by the current crisis.

Below I will discuss the following:

US health care on the eve of Trump II

80 years of US health politics

The Obamacare story

The new assault on healthcare

U.S. health care on the eve of Trump II

In my previous primer I explained that access to modern healthcare ...