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Giving the people what they want

In a media landscape obsessed with personality clashes and electoral theater, Matt Yglesias offers a jarringly pragmatic thesis: politicians should give voters exactly what they say they want, even when those voters are wrong about the consequences. This is not a plea for populism, but a sophisticated argument about the gap between public desire and policy reality, using the sudden silence around a Maine Senate race and the heated debate over AI data centers to illustrate a deeper truth about modern governance.

The Illusion of Political Engagement

Yglesias begins by dissecting the strange disinterest in Troy Jackson, a candidate who replaced the more controversial Graham Platner in Maine. Despite Jackson running a similar platform and arguably representing the working class even more authentically, the national frenzy has evaporated. Yglesias notes, "Local people on the ground in Maine enjoyed the idea of being part of something that national media figures thought was important. And Platner was raising lots of out-of-state grassroots money to power his operation here. Jackson … nobody cares." This observation cuts through the usual noise of campaign coverage to reveal a cynical reality: the media narrative drives local engagement, not the other way around. When the national press loses interest in a candidate's "bad reasons" for being newsworthy, the grassroots energy simply dries up.

Giving the people what they want

The author uses this to pivot to a broader critique of how Democrats navigate policy. He argues that the party often wastes energy debating whether centrism wins elections rather than addressing the tension between what people claim to want and the actual outcomes of those desires. "Voters are sometimes wrong about stuff and — worse — they're just not very reflective or self-critical," Yglesias writes. This is a harsh but necessary admission for any serious analysis of democratic governance. It suggests that simply mirroring public opinion can be a trap if that opinion is based on a misunderstanding of economic mechanics, such as the belief that price controls on beef will lower costs without causing shortages.

Voters are sometimes wrong about stuff and — worse — they're just not very reflective or self-critical.

Critics might argue that this stance risks alienating the very base politicians need to mobilize, turning governance into a technocratic lecture rather than a partnership. However, Yglesias insists that ignoring the backlash to unpopular policies is a faster route to electoral disaster than trying to manage expectations.

The Data Center Dilemma

The piece then shifts to the contentious issue of data centers, where the public is largely opposed to new developments due to concerns over water usage and grid strain. Yglesias acknowledges that while much of the panic is "factually wrong or grounded in bad analysis," the political reality remains undeniable. "If people don't trust that this stuff will be done properly and are demanding a pause, then they are going to get what they want — either from the current crop of elected officials or from new ones who beat them." Here, the author makes a crucial distinction: giving the people what they want doesn't mean agreeing with their premises, but rather responding to their demand for a reset.

He envisions a scenario where a pause allows for a "reset around tax abatements and utility rate structures," turning a potential disaster into an opportunity for better regulation. He admits that in his own upscale coastal town, a data center in an empty interior zone would be welcome for the tax revenue it could bring to fix dirt roads and basketball courts. "The solution is to run your agencies properly, not to rule out new projects," he argues. This pragmatic approach highlights a recurring theme in his work: the failure of governance is often a failure of administration, not a failure of the underlying economic concept.

Dynamism vs. Stasis in a Fractured World

Moving to a reader question about Virginia Postrel's book The Future and its Enemies, Yglesias explores the tension between dynamism (embracing unpredictable change) and stasis (constraining change for order). He identifies a paradox in modern politics where "technocrats" often act as agents of stasis, trying to centrally plan complex systems like climate change or urban development. "The whole movement is deeply invested in reasoning backward from a set of politically determined climate targets and likes to do things like draw up on a spreadsheet a big model of how to get all the energy we need," he observes. This central planning mindset, he suggests, crumbles when faced with the chaotic reality of rapid technological advancement, such as the unexpected energy demands of artificial intelligence.

Yglesias draws a sharp line between "stylistic technophilia" and a genuine embrace of dynamism. He contrasts the rigid central planning of "New Urbanism" with the more flexible, market-driven approach of contemporary YIMBYism. "The correct approach is to see that 'old' urbanism involved planning mostly of street grids and sewers while leaving the actual construction of private homes and businesses up to market forces," he writes. This distinction is vital for understanding why many well-intentioned policy initiatives fail; they try to engineer social outcomes rather than creating the conditions for organic growth.

The solution is to run your agencies properly, not to rule out new projects.

He also touches on the current political climate, noting that recent administrations have sidelined mainstream economic analysis, leading to negative consequences for inflation and interest rates. While he acknowledges that even past presidents like Clinton and Obama made political choices that diverged from economic advice, he argues that the current trend of ignoring expertise entirely is dangerous. "I think the divide between dynamism and stasis often exists within the hearts of individuals rather than always cleaving them into separate camps," he concludes, suggesting that the challenge for modern liberalism is to manage the backlash to progress while preserving the economic engine that drives it.

Bottom Line

Yglesias's most compelling argument is that the path to effective governance lies not in fighting public sentiment but in managing the gap between what voters demand and what is economically feasible. His willingness to admit that voters can be "wrong" without being dismissed is a rare and valuable perspective in polarized discourse. The piece's greatest vulnerability, however, is its reliance on the assumption that institutions can be fixed quickly enough to restore public trust before political backlash becomes irreversible. In an era where confidence in governance is already fragile, the window for a "pause and reset" may be closing faster than the author anticipates.

Deep Dives

Explore these related deep dives:

  • The Tyranny of Experts: Economists, Dictators, and the Forgotten Rights of the Poor Amazon · Better World Books by William Easterly

  • Graham Platner

    Although the article discusses his replacement, understanding his specific background as a former teacher and his unique 'populist' campaign style explains why he generated such intense, albeit fleeting, national media fascination compared to his successor.

  • NIMBY

    The article contrasts data center proponents' claims that opposition is merely 'NIMBYism' with the reality of grid strain, making this concept essential for understanding the specific rhetorical battle over land use and infrastructure in Maine.

  • Working class in the United States

    The author explicitly questions the efficacy of this strategy by comparing Platner and Jackson, so an article detailing the historical shifts and current electoral failures of this specific demographic appeal provides crucial context for the article's skepticism.

Sources

Giving the people what they want

by Matt Yglesias · Slow Boring · Read full article

Happy Friday! The Slow Boring team is on the move today, so Halina’s Evening Edition tonight will be a short discussion post in place of her usual article. Evening Edition content and access to the comment section are just a few of the extra perks that come with being a paid subscriber.

This is the end of my summer in Maine; I’m looking forward to being back in D.C., though of course there’s much to miss about this state.

In professional terms, I have to say that I regret that Maine politics became a lot less newsworthy once Graham Platner was replaced on the ticket by Troy Jackson. I also think it would probably be worth everyone’s while to interrogate a little bit why exactly that is. Some of it, of course, is that Platner was making waves for bad reasons. But there was also tremendous genuine enthusiasm for Platner in some quarters that powered him through several bad news cycles. Everything that is noteworthy about Susan Collins as one of the greatest electoral performers of our time but a figure of tremendous annoyance to partisan Democrats is still there. Maine is still basically must-win for Democrats if they want to flip the Senate. Jackson is running on a very similar platform to Platner. If you’re a believer in the power of white working-class identity politics to win over non-college voters to the Democrats (I am not really), then Jackson is, if anything, a better avatar for this than Platner.

But nobody cares. Or, rather, I should say that the national media figures who got deeply invested in Platner don’t care. But their not caring does trickle down. There are markedly fewer Jackson for Senate signs than there were Platner signs. Local people on the ground in Maine enjoyed the idea of being part of something that national media figures thought was important. And Platner was raising lots of out-of-state grassroots money to power his operation here.

Jackson … nobody cares. I could speculate as to why, but I’d really be interested in hearing more from the non-Mainers who were really interested in Platner about why a different guy with a (non-fake this time) working-class background who’s fighting for Medicare for All isn’t interesting. He didn’t hire the right consultants? Is it just boring that he’s fighting with Collins rather than Chuck Schumer?

stieltjestransform: Data center discourse is heating up ...