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ICE is older than America

Kahlil Greene's latest piece does not merely critique current enforcement tactics; it dismantles the very foundation of the "emergency" narrative used to justify them. By tracing the lineage of federal paramilitary raids back to the compulsory militia service of the 17th century, Greene forces a confrontation with an uncomfortable truth: the use of overwhelming, deadly force against marginalized populations is not a temporary aberration of the current administration, but a structural feature of American governance. This is essential listening for anyone trying to understand why the rhetoric of "public safety" so often yields such disproportionate violence.

The Myth of the New Emergency

The article opens with a jarring account of Border Patrol Tactical Unit (BORTAC) agents descending from helicopters to raid a Chicago apartment complex, an operation that resulted in terrorized residents but no arrests of the targeted gang members. Greene uses this incident to challenge the official justification for such escalations. "The Trump administration justifies its 'deportation agenda' and the shocking use of force against people of color as emergency powers needed to address a national crisis," Greene writes. He immediately exposes the fragility of this logic, noting that the connection between the alleged crisis and the deployment of military-grade force is "tenuous at best."

ICE is older than America

This framing is crucial because it shifts the debate from the specifics of immigration policy to the broader question of executive overreach. When officials claim a "national emergency" exists, they are effectively asking for a suspension of normal legal constraints. Greene points out that this rhetoric is not new, quoting the administration's own advisors who have promised to do "whatever it takes" to secure the border. The argument gains power by showing that the language of emergency is a tool, not a reaction. It is a mechanism designed to bypass the rule of law in favor of raw enforcement power.

Critics might argue that the administration faces genuine logistical challenges that require robust tools, but Greene's evidence suggests the tools themselves are the problem. The escalation to paramilitary tactics is a choice, not a necessity.

The Historical Blueprint of White Vigilance

To understand why this "emergency" logic persists, Greene takes the reader back to the earliest days of the colonies, arguing that the current system is a direct descendant of the mechanisms created to maintain slavery. He explains that white colonists, outnumbered by the enslaved population, could not rely on a professional police force. Instead, they made a "fateful choice to make themselves the police," where skin color became the badge of authority.

"White people, in other words, were the ones chiefly responsible to investigate Black people's passes when they were encountered out in the public."

This historical parallel is the article's most devastating insight. The "ticket" or pass system required enslaved people to carry documentation to move freely, a precursor to modern-day ICE raids where lack of papers justifies detention. Greene notes that when white vigilance proved insufficient to quell the fear of rebellion, the system evolved into formalized paramilitary institutions. He details the "slave patrol," a compulsory militia service for white men that was legally obligated to arm themselves and patrol private property.

The violence of this era was not incidental; it was systemic. Greene describes how whips were designed to "break skin to maximize pain," and how suspected rebels were often murdered and beheaded, with their heads mounted on spikes as a warning. He draws a chilling line from these atrocities to modern geography, noting that roads like "Negro Head Road" still exist in the United States, named for the places where slave patrols displayed the heads of executed captives. By weaving in the history of the "Negro hunt" led by Colonel William Hill in 1824, Greene demonstrates that the concept of "public safety" has long been a euphemism for the suppression of Black and Brown bodies.

This historical depth transforms the current news cycle from a series of isolated incidents into a continuous narrative. The "concentration camps" and federalized National Guard units proposed by the administration are not unprecedented innovations; they are the modern iteration of the posse and the patrol.

The Continuity of Violence

As Greene moves from the colonial era to the present, he argues that the "shocking excesses of ICE and DHS are part of an American tradition of policing that goes back to the very beginnings of the American colonies and nation." The core of his argument is that the idea of a vast public emergency requiring "whatever it takes" is the thread that ties the slave patrols of the 1700s to the tactical units of today.

"The stakes of the struggle against the 'deportation agenda' is not only to help the administration's immediate targets, but also to protect the rule of law itself."

This is a powerful reframing. It suggests that the fight is not just about immigration status, but about the integrity of the legal system. If the government can suspend the rule of law based on a manufactured emergency, then no citizen is truly safe. Greene's analysis holds up under scrutiny because it relies on documented legal precedents and historical records rather than speculation. The evidence of continuity is overwhelming: the same rhetoric of fear, the same reliance on paramilitary force, and the same targeting of racialized groups.

A counterargument worth considering is that modern law enforcement operates under different legal constraints and oversight than the 18th-century militia. However, Greene's work suggests that these constraints are easily discarded when the narrative of "emergency" is invoked with sufficient intensity.

Bottom Line

Kahlil Greene's piece succeeds by refusing to treat current enforcement tactics as a novel political strategy, instead revealing them as the latest chapter in a centuries-old tradition of racialized policing. Its greatest strength is the unflinching connection between the "emergency" rhetoric of the White House and the historical necessity of the slave patrol. The argument's only vulnerability is its reliance on the reader's willingness to accept a direct lineage between 17th-century violence and 21st-century policy, a connection that is historically sound but politically uncomfortable. For the busy listener, this is a vital reminder: the tools of oppression are not new; only the uniforms have changed.

Deep Dives

Explore these related deep dives:

  • Negro Head Road

    This specific historical route in Virginia illustrates the brutal infrastructure of slave patrols mentioned in the text, showing how early American 'emergency' policing was physically embedded in the landscape to terrorize Black populations.

  • BORTAC

    While the article mentions the unit's recent actions, this topic explains its obscure origins as a counter-narcotics force modeled after military special operations, revealing how paramilitary tactics were normalized long before the current 'national emergency' rhetoric.

  • Slave patrol

    The article argues that modern immigration enforcement taps into a deep tradition of governance; understanding the specific legal and social mechanisms of these colonial militias clarifies the historical lineage of using state violence to manage racialized populations.

Sources

ICE is older than America

by Kahlil Greene · History Can't Hide · Read full article

Today's article is a guest op-ed written by Gautham Rao.

Last September, members of the Department of Homeland Security’s (DHS) special operations unit, BORTAC—the Border Patrol Tactical Unit—slipped down zip lines from a Blackhawk helicopter and burst into a Chicago apartment building. The troops broke open doors, terrorized residents, and arrested several dozen people. The paramilitaries were supposedly looking for members of the infamous Venezuelan gang Tren de Aragua. But none were found. Events like the one that unfolded in Chicago have occurred throughout the United States in the past year. Trump’s forces have even gunned down American citizens in broad daylight. The use of this kind of white supremacist violence in the name of public safety is the hallmark of the Trump era. But it also taps into a tradition of American law and governance—a tradition that began hundreds of years ago.

The Trump administration justifies its “deportation agenda” and the shocking use of force against people of color as emergency powers needed to address a national crisis. As Trump ally Governor Brad Little explained about why his state of Idaho needed to help deport people, this is a “national emergency posed by years of reckless border policies under the Biden-Harris administration.” Back during the 2024 campaign Trump made no secret of this. The emergency of undocumented people living in the United States meant “we have no choice…There is no price tag.” And Trump’s advisor Stephen Miller confirmed that the administration would ramp up the use of force by federalizing the national guard and building massive concentration camps to hold detainees. “President Trump will do whatever it takes,” proclaimed Miller.

So vast is the national crisis of undocumented immigration that it justifies doing “whatever it takes.” And yet, the supposed immigration emergency is never really explained. The connection with the government’s use of overwhelming, deadly force is tenuous. It is a damning indictment of the demise of the rule of law today. But look a little deeper into the American past and you’ll find that it was once the norm.

America’s First Racial “Emergency”.

It didn’t take long for the white colonists who invaded North America to turn to slavery. First, they began a system of Indian slavery that would decimate indigenous populations for centuries. White enslavers began to hold captive Africans in the early 1600s and by the end of the century slavery had become the dominant economic ...