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No one wants a permanent gerontocracy

In a political landscape defined by deep polarization, Cory Doctorow identifies a startling anomaly: a policy proposal that commands near-universal consensus across the aisle. The piece argues that the American public has reached a breaking point with the current system of indefinite tenure, revealing a rare moment where the electorate's desire for institutional renewal outweighs partisan loyalty.

The Gerontocracy Crisis

Doctorow anchors his argument in data from pollster G Elliot Morris, which exposes a collapse in confidence regarding the fitness of older leaders. He notes that while a third of Americans still support the current administration's leader, the broader sentiment is shifting. "One of the things keeping me going in these dark days is the pollster G Elliot Morris, whose 'Strength in Numbers' newsletter is a reliable, robust and nuanced source of information about the way other people – including Trump's base – feel about him from moment to moment." This reliance on granular polling allows Doctorow to bypass the noise of personality-driven politics and focus on structural realities.

No one wants a permanent gerontocracy

The core of the argument rests on the staggering bipartisan support for age and term limits. Doctorow highlights that 80% of Americans want age limits for Congress, with support ranging from 78% of Democrats to 83% of Republicans. Even more striking is the desire for an 18-year term limit for Supreme Court justices, a figure supported by 65% of the public. As Doctorow writes, "This represents 'a level of cross-partisan agreement that's almost unheard of on a high-salience issue.'" This statistic is the piece's most powerful evidence, suggesting that the fatigue with permanent incumbency is a unifying force in a fractured democracy.

"No one wants a permanent gerontocracy."

Doctorow does not shy away from the human cost of this system, citing specific examples where the refusal to step down has led to governance failures. He points to the tragic case of Kay Granger, a congresswoman whose staff concealed her dementia while she remained in office, and Dianne Feinstein, who served with advanced cognitive decline. The author argues that "politicians are wed to a system of seniority and patronage that insists that everyone who 'pays their dues' should get a turn." This framing effectively shifts the blame from individual frailty to a broken incentive structure that rewards longevity over competence.

Critics might argue that age limits could inadvertently remove experienced leaders who remain sharp, potentially destabilizing institutions during critical times. However, Doctorow counters this by distinguishing between age and capability, noting that the current system relies on "incumbency advantage, seniority, patronage and hubris" rather than merit. The historical context of the Twenty-second Amendment, which limited presidents to two terms, serves as a precedent for such boundaries, yet the article suggests that lifetime appointments for the judiciary and indefinite terms for legislators have created a unique vulnerability. The reference to Ruth Bader Ginsburg's decision to stay on the bench, which allowed for a controversial appointment to the Supreme Court, illustrates how the lack of hard rules can have decades-long consequences.

The Stakes of Inaction

The commentary deepens as Doctorow explores the systemic risks of a leadership pipeline that refuses to refresh. He warns that "if your majority rests on a handful of seats and your caucus includes a dozen people who are actuarially certain to die soon, then the whole system could be upended by a couple of highly likely blood-clots." This stark assessment underscores the fragility of a government run by the very old, where the natural passage of time becomes a political weapon rather than a neutral fact.

Doctorow suggests that the solution lies in hard limits, both on the number of years served and the age of the officeholder. He observes that while other popular reforms like abolishing the Electoral College face partisan resistance, age limits are the one idea that "all Americans – including older Americans... agree on: rule by permanent gerontocracy is bad, and should end." This observation is particularly potent given the historical context of political nicknames and personal branding, such as the list of nicknames used by George W. Bush, which often highlighted the informal, personality-driven nature of modern politics. In contrast, the push for term limits represents a return to structural integrity over personal loyalty.

The piece also touches on the broader theme of "enshittification," a concept Doctorow has developed to describe how platforms and institutions degrade over time to extract value. He applies this logic to democracy itself, arguing that the system is being drained of its vitality by a class of leaders who refuse to relinquish power. "It's a system that relies on politicians banking favors from their peers and then paying them back by anointing successors, thus requiring politicians to serve until they are ready to choose that successor." This cycle, he argues, starves the pipeline of new talent and exposes the nation to unnecessary risk.

Bottom Line

Doctorow's most compelling contribution is his ability to frame age limits not as a partisan attack, but as a necessary structural fix that enjoys overwhelming public support. The argument's greatest strength lies in its data-driven demonstration of bipartisan consensus, yet it faces the significant challenge of overcoming the entrenched interests of the very politicians who would need to vote these limits into existence. The reader should watch for how this growing public demand translates into legislative action, or if the inertia of the current gerontocracy proves too strong to break.

Deep Dives

Explore these related deep dives:

  • Strength in Numbers Amazon · Better World Books by G Elliot Morris

  • List of nicknames used by George W. Bush

    This list illustrates the informal, often undignified personal branding that can accompany long-serving political figures, contrasting with the article's serious argument about the dangers of gerontocracy.

  • Tendril perversion

    This biological phenomenon serves as a metaphor in the article's 'links' section for unexpected structural reversals, mirroring the political inversion where voters reject the very leaders they once supported.

  • Twenty-second Amendment to the United States Constitution

    While the article highlights bipartisan support for new age and term limits, this amendment provides the only existing constitutional precedent for limiting presidential tenure, offering a historical baseline for the proposed reforms.

Sources

No one wants a permanent gerontocracy

by Cory Doctorow · Pluralistic · Read full article

Today's links.

No one wants a permanent gerontocracy: The one policy everyone agrees on. Hey look at this: Delights to delectate. Object permanence: Wolfengitmo; Facebook condemns Google privacy invasion; Michael Moore on bin Laden; TSA v babies; Tendril perversion; "Buy now"; Uber Ch(eats); Who Broke the Internet (II)? Upcoming appearances: Berlin, Hay-on-Wye, London, NYC, Edinburgh. Recent appearances: Where I've been. Latest books: You keep readin' em, I'll keep writin' 'em. Upcoming books: Like I said, I'll keep writin' 'em. Colophon: All the rest.

No one wants a permanent gerontocracy (permalink).

Perhaps the most demoralizing part of Trumpismo is the fear that the people around you are so cruel and senseless that they approve of the violence, the racism, the pig-ignorant lies and rampant theft:

https://www.techdirt.com/2025/07/08/who-goes-maga/

One of the things keeping me going in these dark days is the pollster G Elliot Morris, whose "Strength in Numbers" newsletter is a reliable, robust and nuanced source of information about the way other people – including Trump's base – feel about him from moment to moment. Reading items like "A reminder: Very few people support Donald Trump's presidency" make it easier to get through the day:

https://www.gelliottmorris.com/p/a-reminder-very-few-people-support

It's a very good piece, breaking down the collapse in support for Trumpismo and confidence in Trump's mental health, even among the people who have historically stood by him, even though – incredibly! – about a third of Americans still support him and believe in his fitness to rule.

But the most interesting part of this post is the eye-popping poll result on a question that is only incidentally about Trump: the extremely broad, bipartisan support for both age limits and term limits for the House, the Senate, the Presidency and the Supreme Court.

How broad and bipartisan are these results?

80% of Americans want age limits in the House and Senate (D78%, R83%; I79%);

Most Americans want age limits for the presidency (R73%, I61%) (the most popular age limit is 79);

Most Americans (65%) want an 18-year term limit for Supreme Court justices;

Most Americans (79%) want age limits for Supreme Court justices.

As Morris writes, this represents "a level of cross-partisan agreement that’s almost unheard of on a high-salience issue."

There are different ways to parse this out. The past decade has shown that, in the absence of a hard rule to the contrary, incumbents will stay in office long after it's obvious they ...