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February 13, 2026

A partial government shutdown at the Department of Homeland Security is not just a budgetary dispute. It is the moment constitutional friction over law enforcement power finally forced a legislative stalemate.

The Shutdown and the Fourth Amendment

Heather Cox Richardson opens by noting the irony at the heart of this shutdown: federal agents whose conduct sparked the crisis will keep getting paid while the agencies that oversee them close their doors. The July 2025 budget reconciliation measure directed so much funding toward Immigration and Customs Enforcement and the Border Patrol that those operations are insulated. The 260,000 employees facing furloughs instead come from the Federal Emergency Management Agency, the Transportation Security Administration, and the Coast Guard.

February 13, 2026

Senate Democrats have refused to fund the department without a set of reforms that, on their face, sound uncontroversial. Richardson notes the demands are "pretty straightforward": judicial warrants before entering private homes; visible identification badges and uniform standards; an end to racial profiling and raids on hospitals, schools, and churches; body cameras for accountability; and congressional oversight of detention facilities. The warrant requirement alone traces back to the [Fourth Amendment](https://hex-index.com/wikipedia/fourth-amendment-to-the-united-states-constitution), which protects against unreasonable searches and seizures and has been interpreted by courts for over a century to require a judge's signature before agents can enter a residence.

"These are commonsense measures that protect Americans' constitutional rights and ensure responsible law enforcement, and should apply to all federal activity even without Democrats demanding them."

The administration offered concessions behind closed doors, Richardson reports, but none survived public scrutiny. Senators left Washington without a deal.

The El Paso Airspace Crisis

Few episodes capture the chaos Richardson describes better than the sudden closure of airspace over a city of 700,000 people. The Federal Aviation Administration shut down all flights below 18,000 feet — a move so rare that journalists compared it to the September 11th closures. No one, including the mayor of El Paso, had been notified. Medical helicopters were grounded.

Then the explanations arrived, each one worse than the last. Drug cartel drones, officials said. No — the Defense Department had been testing an anti-drone laser system without Federal Aviation Administration clearance. No — Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth had loaned a military-grade anti-drone weapon to Customs and Border Protection, the parent agency of Border Patrol. And the "drones" the laser was trained on? Party balloons.

Richardson writes that the administration's "initial impulse was to lie about what happened." The episode illustrates what the [Department of Homeland Security](https://hex-index.com/wikipedia/united-states-department-of-homeland-security) has become: a sprawling apparatus where military technology migrates to civilian law enforcement without coordination, oversight, or basic operational competence.

The Detention Buildout

ICE is not just arresting more people. It is building permanent infrastructure to hold them.

Richardson cites reporting that the agency has purchased or leased facilities in nearly every state, bypassing competitive bidding requirements by invoking "national security concerns." The plan: retrofit sixteen warehouses into processing centers holding 1,500 detainees each, then funnel them into eight megafacilities of up to 10,000 people.

The human toll is documented in Richardson's piece. Representative Jamie Raskin visited a Baltimore facility and found "60 men packed into a room shoulder-to-shoulder, 24-hours-a-day, with a single toilet in the room and no shower facilities." A Russian asylum-seeking family spent four months at a Texas detention center where food arrived moldy or worm-infested and medical care was scarce.

When the Department of Homeland Security dismissed these accounts as media "hoaxes," it was making a credibility argument it had already lost. Days earlier, the Justice Department dropped assault charges against two men after "newly discovered evidence" contradicted the official account of an ICE shooting in Minneapolis. Surveillance video, the men's lawyer said, was "materially inconsistent with the federal agent's claims."

Critics might note that immigration enforcement has always involved detention and that warehouse-scale processing, while harsh, is not inherently illegal. The counterargument is that the scale and secrecy of the buildout — bypassing bidding rules, hiding lease listings, constructing facilities designed for thousands — signals an intention to normalize indefinite detention as policy, not as an operational necessity.

Voting, Data, and Executive Overreach

The [Department of Homeland Security](https://hex-index.com/wikipedia/united-states-department-of-homeland-security) has also entered the electoral arena through a system called Systematic Alien Verification for Entitlements — a database originally designed to verify eligibility for government benefits. Republican officials in twenty-seven states are using it to check voter rolls, but Richardson reports the tool makes "persistent mistakes," flagging naturalized citizens as noncitizens and triggering criminal investigations. Once referred, individuals must prove their citizenship to be restored to voter rolls.

A county clerk in Missouri told ProPublica the system is "not ready for prime time."

Then came the social media announcement that the president intends to impose voter identification and citizenship requirements by executive action, bypassing Congress entirely. "There will be Voter I.D. for the Midterm Elections," the post declared, "whether approved by Congress or not." The Constitution assigns lawmaking authority to Congress alone.

Critics might argue that voter identification requirements enjoy broad public support and that cleaning voter rolls of ineligible registrants is a legitimate function of state governments. The flaw in that argument, Richardson suggests, is not the goal but the method: deploying a known-inaccurate database to purge voters, then announcing unilateral executive action to override constitutional separation of powers.

"The Democrats refuse to vote for Voter I.D., or Citizenship. The reason is very simple — They want to continue to cheat in Elections."

Bottom Line

The DHS shutdown is not a fiscal dispute dressed in political theater. It is a constitutional crisis in slow motion — one where law enforcement agencies operate without uniform standards, military technology appears in civilian hands without oversight, and executive social media posts claim authority to rewrite election law. The demands on the table are not radical. They are the baseline expectations of a republic that requires its agents to follow the same rules as everyone else.

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February 13, 2026

by Heather Cox Richardson · Letters from an American · Read full article

At midnight tonight, most of the agencies and services in the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) will run out of funding, as popular fury over the violence and lawlessness of federal agents from Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and the U.S. Border Patrol made Senate Democrats refuse to agree to fund DHS without reforms. And yet, because the Republicans lavished money on ICE and Border Patrol in their July 2025 budget reconciliation bill—the one they call the One Big Beautiful Bill Act—those agencies will continue to operate. The 260,000 federal employees affected by the partial shutdown will come from other agencies in DHS, including the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA), the Transportation Security Agency (TSA), and the Coast Guard. A measure to fund DHS passed the House by a majority vote, but in the Senate, the filibuster allows the Democrats, who are in the minority, to make demands before the measure can pass. On February 4, Senate minority leader Chuck Schumer (D-NY) and House minority leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-NY) sent Senate majority leader John Thune (R-SD) and House speaker Mike Johnson (R-LA) a letter outlining demands Democrats want incorporated into a measure to appropriate more funds for the Department of Homeland Security (DHS). Those demands are pretty straightforward. The Democrats want federal agents to enter private homes only with a judicial warrant (as was policy until the administration produced a secret memo saying that DHS officials themselves could sign off on raids, a decision that runs afoul of legal interpretations of the Fourth Amendment). They want agents to stop wearing masks and to have their names, agencies, and unique ID numbers visible on their uniforms, as law enforcement officers do. They want an end to racial profiling—that is, agents detaining individuals on the basis of their skin color, place of employment, or language—and to raids of so-called sensitive sites: medical facilities, schools, childcare facilities, churches, polling places, and courts. They want agents to be required to have a reasonable policy for use of force and to be removed during an investigation if they violate it. They want federal agents to coordinate with local and state governments and for those governments to have jurisdiction over federal agents who break the law. They want DHS detention facilities to have the same standards as any detention facility and for detainees to have access to their lawyers. They want states to be able to ...