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Should the left criticize zohran?

Eric Blanc cuts through the noise of online leftist infighting to ask a question that rarely gets answered with nuance: how much criticism is too much when your allies hold power? In a landscape where denunciation is often mistaken for strategy, Blanc argues that the intensity of our pushback against Mayor Zohran Mamdani must be calibrated to the actual balance of power, not just moral purity. This is a necessary corrective for a movement that has grown its electoral reach far faster than its on-the-ground organizing capacity.

The Trap of Relentless Denunciation

Blanc begins by acknowledging the frustration many feel regarding Mamdani's decision to reappoint Jessica Tisch as NYPD Commissioner. He notes that groups like Within Our Lifetime have rightly pointed out that this move "betrays his campaign promises and aligns him with the NYPD's legacy of policing, surveillance, and repression." The author agrees that Tisch is a problematic figure, describing her as a "pro-Israel billionaire heiress" who sounds like a "Long Island Republican when it comes to the topic of criminal justice." Yet, Blanc insists that the problem lies not in the criticism itself, but in the timing and intensity of it.

Should the left criticize zohran?

He warns that movements have a history of "demobilizing and subordinating themselves to their friends in power," a tragedy he fears could befall New York City's left. However, he argues that the alternative—refusing to ever voice criticism—is equally dangerous. "Refusing on principle to ever voice criticisms or to take an independent stand would be a road to ruin for organizations like New York City Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) and the Left as a whole," he writes. This distinction is crucial; it separates the act of holding power accountable from the act of undermining it prematurely.

Pushing back against leftist elected officials is important. But effective Left strategy always should combine an openness to criticism of electeds with a rigorous power analysis.

Power Analysis Over Moral Outrage

The core of Blanc's argument is a shift from moral absolutism to strategic realism. He posits that the intensity of criticism should correlate directly with the degree of power the movement possesses. It is unreasonable, he suggests, to demand a mayor abolish capitalism when neither he nor the movement has the institutional mechanisms to do so. Conversely, it is reasonable to demand action on rent freezes or taxing the rich if the power exists to enforce it.

Blanc critiques the current wave of online agitation, noting that "social media agitation on its own [doesn't] do much to move the power needle." He draws a sharp line between the echo chamber of activists and the reality of public opinion. While online radicals may view police reform as a winning issue, the data suggests otherwise. He points out that "mass protests dried up after 2020" and that Mayor Eric Adams was elected on a pro-public safety platform that resonated with Black and Latino working-class voters. Recent polls indicate that only a small minority of New Yorkers hold an unfavorable opinion of Tisch, with opposition being significantly higher among college-educated voters rather than the working class.

A counterargument worth considering is that waiting for public opinion to shift before taking a stand allows harmful policies to calcify. Critics might argue that leadership requires setting a moral example even when it is unpopular. Blanc acknowledges this tension but warns that the consequences of losing are severe. He invokes the historical precedent of Mayor David Dinkins, who won a short-term policy victory for police reform but faced a backlash so intense it fueled Rudy Giuliani's victory and eight years of intensified police persecution. "The fate of all our bottom-up movements and organizations is tied to this administration," Blanc writes, emphasizing that a premature fight could sink the entire progressive agenda.

If we can't commit to putting in the low-risk but high-effort legwork of winning over community members door by door, conversation by conversation, why should we expect Zohran to risk his administration and his affordability agenda — and, with it, the momentum of a resurgent nationwide Left — over a premature fight that we don't yet have the power to win?

The Hard Work of Building Power

Blanc concludes that the solution is not to silence dissent, but to change the nature of it. Instead of posting denunciations, the Left should be engaging in the "much harder, and much more impactful, work of changing the relationship of forces." He cites the late organizer Jane McAlevey, reminding readers that true organizing involves "talking to people who don't agree with you." The strategy proposed is a canvassing campaign to build a mass movement that can genuinely challenge the NYPD, rather than a digital campaign that merely signals virtue.

This approach requires patience and a willingness to do the unglamorous work of persuasion. Blanc suggests that if activists want Tisch gone, they must first convince hundreds of thousands of neighbors that she should be, a task that requires "hundreds of thousands of New Yorkers to sign a petition." This reframes the goal from a symbolic victory to a material shift in public sentiment. As he puts it, "The way to help Zohani overcome establishment and billionaire opposition will mostly be 'organize bigger and deeper' rather than 'criticize harder.'"

Bottom Line

Blanc's most compelling contribution is his insistence that political strategy must be grounded in a realistic assessment of power, not just moral clarity. His argument is strongest when it highlights the disconnect between online radicalism and the actual preferences of the working-class base. However, the piece carries the risk of appearing too cautious, potentially discouraging the necessary friction that drives political evolution. Readers should watch to see if the Left can actually pivot from digital outrage to the grueling work of door-knocking and persuasion that Blanc demands.

Deep Dives

Explore these related deep dives:

  • Democratic Socialists of America

    NYC-DSA is central to the strategic debate in this article about how socialist organizations should relate to elected officials. Understanding DSA's history, structure, and electoral strategy provides essential context for the tactical disagreements described.

  • Bill de Blasio

    De Blasio's tenure as NYC mayor and his conflicts with police unions are cited as a cautionary precedent for Mamdani. Understanding his police reform efforts and how they were thwarted illuminates the power analysis framework the author is advocating.

Sources

Should the left criticize zohran?

by Eric Blanc · Labor Politics · Read full article

In late November, I argued that “way too much leftist discourse is polarized into denunciations vs. defenses of Zohran. A more useful & important debate is how to organize enough New Yorkers to win Zohran’s agenda — and to counteract the inevitable pressures on him from capital and the political establishment.”

Others disagreed. A few days later, the pro-Palestine group Within Our Lifetime (WOL) posted a public sign-on statement announcing that Zohran’s decision to reappoint Jessica Tisch as NYPD Commissioner “betrays his campaign promises and aligns him with the NYPD’s legacy of policing, surveillance, and repression” and “effectively endorses the NYPD’s ongoing collaboration with the Israeli occupation.”

Tisch deserves our critique. She is a pro-Israel billionaire heiress who, as Ross Barkan notes, “sounds no different than a Long Island Republican when it comes to the topic of criminal justice.” But before digging into the debate over her reappointment, it’s useful to address an underlying strategic question: When and how should the Left criticize elected officials like Zohran?

Criticism is Good. But What Kind?.

On the general question of whether it’s necessary for socialists to criticize Left elected officials, history is full of examples of movements demobilizing and subordinating themselves to their friends in power. It would be a tragedy if that happened in New York City. Given the constraints and pressure he is under, and the overall weakness of working-class organization after fifty years of neoliberalism, Mayor Mamdani is bound to make many decisions the Left will disagree with; refusing on principle to ever voice criticisms or to take an independent stand would be a road to ruin for organizations like New York City Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) and the Left as a whole, demoralizing activists and undermining credibility with supporters.

But there’s no shortage of leftists who are generally willing to disagree with or diverge from our new mayor and other Left politicians. Many NYC-DSA leaders argued in favor of the chapter endorsing New York city council member Chi Osse’s bid to primary Hakeem Jeffries despite Mamdani’s vocal opposition. Most currents of DSA supported a public statement criticizing Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s vote against an amendment blocking funding for Israel’s Iron Dome. For my part, this week I wrote on Twitter: “Instead of asking for more donations, would love to see Zohran start asking supporters to join mass organizing fightbacks. Even the savviest governance and comms strategy can’t get ...