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Midweek update #2: The two wars

Phillips P. O'Brien cuts through the noise of daily headlines to reveal a startling paradox: the US and Israel are winning every tactical battle while losing the strategic war, while Iran is losing every air defense engagement yet successfully holding the global economy hostage. This analysis moves beyond the spectacle of missile exchanges to expose a fundamental mismatch in objectives that leaves the White House in a precarious bind. For the busy observer, the critical takeaway is that the administration's expectation of a quick, Venezuela-style regime collapse has evaporated, replaced by a grinding stalemate where time is the enemy of the aggressor.

The Illusion of Air Superiority

The core of O'Brien's argument rests on the distinction between military capability and political utility. He notes that the US and Israel have achieved something "notable" in conventional terms, possessing the ability to "attack from the air almost any target that they want using aircraft or missiles." The author highlights the sheer scale of this dominance, citing data where the US and Israel launched 63 strikes against 61 locations in a single day, while Iranian air defenses proved largely ineffective.

"The US and Israel can basically destroy almost anything that they can find."

This assessment is factually robust; the destruction of Iranian air defenses has indeed granted the US and Israel a level of freedom of movement that would be the envy of any military planner. However, O'Brien pivots sharply to question the efficacy of this power. He argues that while they can degrade capacities, they are "struggling to wipe them out" because the Iranian war machine has shifted to cheap, dispersed, and mobile systems. The author correctly identifies that high-tech precision cannot easily solve the problem of a decentralized, low-cost adversary.

"The other problem the US/Israel face is that they cannot achieve their political objectives by simply blowing things up."

This is the piece's most vital insight. The administration appears to have operated under the assumption that decapitating leadership would trigger a collapse, a strategy that O'Brien notes has failed to materialize. He points out that despite the "total immunity" offered to those who lay down arms, there is no evidence of internal collaboration or a popular uprising. In fact, the author suggests that behind the scenes, US and Israeli sources admit they "have clearly not been able to create a political situation in Iran that would allow an uprising to succeed."

Midweek update #2: The two wars

Critics might argue that the timeline is too short to judge the success of regime-change strategies, and that the pressure is still building. Yet, the historical precedent of previous failed attempts to incite uprisings, combined with the current lack of internal coordination, lends weight to O'Brien's skepticism. The administration's hope that the Iranian people would seize this "last opportunity" appears to be a miscalculation, as the population has been "badly burned" by previous promises of intervention that never materialized.

The Economic Chokehold

While the US fights a war of air power, O'Brien describes Iran's strategy as a war of economic attrition. The author reframes the conflict not as a battle for territory, but as an attempt to leverage geography against the global economy. Iran's strategy relies on the "Strait of Hormuz," a chokepoint through which a massive percentage of the world's oil, helium, and nitrogen trade passes.

"The Iranian war is to take advantage of two things, geography and cheap attack systems, to threaten the world economy to such a degree that the US and Israel will be forced to give them a political deal that they want."

This framing is particularly potent when viewed through the lens of historical precedents like the disruption of shipping near Kharg Island, a critical oil terminal. O'Brien notes that modern technology, specifically inexpensive drones and unmanned sea vessels, has made closing this waterway "surprisingly and scarily cheap." The result is not just a spike in oil prices, but a potential disruption to semiconductor production and food supplies.

"If trade is stopped for any significant period through the Gulf not only will oil prices rise, but food prices could go up, computer chip/semiconductor production (which relies on helium it turns out) would go down, even paracetamol supplies could run short."

The author's use of specific commodities like helium and paracetamol effectively illustrates the fragility of global supply chains, moving the discussion from abstract geopolitical maneuvering to tangible domestic impacts. This is where the "two wars" concept truly crystallizes: the US is trying to bomb a regime into submission, while Iran is trying to bomb the global economy into forcing the US to back down.

"The US and Israel are under great pressure to reopen trade and crack the Iranian government sooner rather than later."

This creates a race against time that favors the defender. The US cannot sustain a high-intensity bombing campaign indefinitely without severe economic and political costs, whereas Iran can continue its low-cost harassment of shipping lanes with relative impunity.

The Strategic Panic

The final section of O'Brien's analysis delves into the psychological state of the White House, suggesting that the administration is now fighting a war it did not plan for. The author claims that the executive branch expected a "quick and easy win," with some sources suggesting they told allies the operation would be over in four days.

"This strategic blunder has led to what can only be called a form of panic in the White House."

O'Brien argues that the administration is now in a bind: they cannot simply walk away because doing so would leave the global economy vulnerable to Iranian pressure, yet they cannot easily escalate without risking a much larger conflict. The author suggests that the desire to "wash his hands of the war" is clashing with the reality that a withdrawal could be seen as a catastrophic defeat.

"Therefore, what is now a strong possibility is that, even though he would like to end this war, he will end up escalating it."

This observation of the "escalation trap" is the most chilling part of the commentary. It suggests that the initial miscalculation of a four-day victory has locked the US into a path where the only perceived way out is to do more of what isn't working. The author notes that the administration is now contemplating actions that were not even on the table two weeks ago, indicating a reactive rather than proactive strategy.

Critics might argue that the "panic" narrative is overstated and that the administration is simply recalibrating its tactics based on new intelligence. However, the sheer discrepancy between the initial expectations of a quick regime change and the current reality of a protracted economic war supports O'Brien's view of a strategic disconnect. The administration's inability to find a political solution within Iran, combined with the economic leverage Iran holds, creates a volatile dynamic where the risk of miscalculation is high.

"The problem for the US, bluntly, is that it has probably the greatest time pressure."

This sentence encapsulates the entire dilemma. The US has the military power, but Iran has the time and the economic leverage. As the author notes, the US cannot tolerate the Strait of Hormuz being closed for months, and the political ramifications of a prolonged conflict are becoming increasingly untenable.

Bottom Line

Phillips P. O'Brien's analysis succeeds in reframing the conflict from a simple narrative of military superiority to a complex struggle of mismatched strategies where the US holds the air but Iran holds the economy. The strongest part of the argument is the identification of the "two wars" dynamic, which explains why tactical victories have not translated into strategic success. However, the piece's biggest vulnerability lies in its speculation on the internal state of the White House; while the "panic" narrative is compelling, it is difficult to verify without insider access. Readers should watch for whether the administration attempts to escalate the conflict to break the stalemate or if they seek a diplomatic off-ramp that acknowledges the limits of air power. The clock is ticking, and the cost of the wrong move could be far higher than the price of a few oil tankers.

Deep Dives

Explore these related deep dives:

  • Strait of Hormuz

    The article mentions the burning oil tanker in the Gulf; this entry details the specific legal and military mechanisms of 'mining' or 'blockading' the straits, which is the asymmetric warfare tool Iran is employing to counter US conventional air dominance.

Sources

Midweek update #2: The two wars

by Phillips P. O'Brien · Phillips P. O'Brien · Read full article

Phillips P. O'Brien cuts through the noise of daily headlines to reveal a startling paradox: the US and Israel are winning every tactical battle while losing the strategic war, while Iran is losing every air defense engagement yet successfully holding the global economy hostage. This analysis moves beyond the spectacle of missile exchanges to expose a fundamental mismatch in objectives that leaves the White House in a precarious bind. For the busy observer, the critical takeaway is that the administration's expectation of a quick, Venezuela-style regime collapse has evaporated, replaced by a grinding stalemate where time is the enemy of the aggressor.

The Illusion of Air Superiority.

The core of O'Brien's argument rests on the distinction between military capability and political utility. He notes that the US and Israel have achieved something "notable" in conventional terms, possessing the ability to "attack from the air almost any target that they want using aircraft or missiles." The author highlights the sheer scale of this dominance, citing data where the US and Israel launched 63 strikes against 61 locations in a single day, while Iranian air defenses proved largely ineffective.

"The US and Israel can basically destroy almost anything that they can find."

This assessment is factually robust; the destruction of Iranian air defenses has indeed granted the US and Israel a level of freedom of movement that would be the envy of any military planner. However, O'Brien pivots sharply to question the efficacy of this power. He argues that while they can degrade capacities, they are "struggling to wipe them out" because the Iranian war machine has shifted to cheap, dispersed, and mobile systems. The author correctly identifies that high-tech precision cannot easily solve the problem of a decentralized, low-cost adversary.

"The other problem the US/Israel face is that they cannot achieve their political objectives by simply blowing things up."

This is the piece's most vital insight. The administration appears to have operated under the assumption that decapitating leadership would trigger a collapse, a strategy that O'Brien notes has failed to materialize. He points out that despite the "total immunity" offered to those who lay down arms, there is no evidence of internal collaboration or a popular uprising. In fact, the author suggests that behind the scenes, US and Israeli sources admit they "have clearly not been able to create a political situation in Iran that would allow an uprising to succeed."...