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How scientists radically reduced US gun violence

Joeri Schasfoort challenges the most entrenched assumption in American policy: that gun violence is an unsolvable problem requiring either a constitutional amendment or mass incarceration. Instead, he presents a counterintuitive, data-driven argument that the solution lies not in disarming the population, but in disrupting the specific, fleeting moments of emotional escalation that turn arguments into homicides. For a busy reader, this is not just another plea for reform; it is a roadmap that bypasses the political gridlock of gun control entirely.

The 10-Minute Window

Schasfoort dismantles the conventional wisdom that violence is a rational cost-benefit analysis. He cites Professor Jens Ludwig to argue that we have been fighting the wrong battle for decades. "For decades, we've treated violence as a rational cost-benefit decision, but a deeper analysis of the motives for homicides reveal that only 20% of homicides are people being killed for a specific goal," Schasfoort writes. The vast majority of shootings, he explains, are not calculated acts of malice or economic desperation, but impulsive reactions occurring within a narrow timeframe.

How scientists radically reduced US gun violence

This reframing is crucial because it explains why traditional "carrot and stick" policies fail. Subsidized jobs and food stamps reduce poverty but do little to stop a heated argument from turning lethal. Similarly, while incarceration removes some violent actors, it comes at a staggering social cost and fails to address the root cause of the remaining violence. Schasfoort notes, "Gun violence comes from these 10-minute windows. We've historically spent enormous sums of money trying to change the incentives people face in those 10-minute windows. That has not worked." The author's logic here is compelling: if the problem is a split-second loss of control, then long-term economic incentives are the wrong tool for the job.

Critics might argue that focusing solely on the "10-minute window" ignores the structural conditions—like poverty and lack of opportunity—that create the high-stress environments where these arguments occur in the first place. However, Schasfoort's point is pragmatic: even if we cannot instantly fix the economy, we can still stop the bullets.

Gun violence is equal to guns plus violence. So, gun availability matters, but so does the willingness of people to use guns to hurt one another.

The Power of the Environment

The most striking evidence Schasfoort marshals comes from a University of Pennsylvania study in Philadelphia, which suggests that the physical environment plays a more significant role in public safety than previously thought. The researchers took a radically simple approach: they cleaned up 550 vacant lots, removing trash, trimming grass, and clearing debris. The results were immediate and profound. "This simple change turned out to be a game-changer," Schasfoort observes. "After just 1 year, the neighborhood with restored lots experienced powerful shifts. People reported feeling safer, crime dropped and even gun violence fell by nearly 30%."

The mechanism here is what criminologists call "informal social control." By transforming abandoned wastelands into usable community spaces, the intervention encouraged people to spend time outside, creating more "eyes on the street." This increased the likelihood that a conflict would be interrupted by a neighbor or passerby before it escalated. Schasfoort highlights the elegance of this solution: "It's not that a nice neighborhood deters criminals in itself, but rather that when you fix up a vacant lot, you turn it into a little pocket park, people are much more likely to now spend time out in public rather than hunker down in their homes, and shootings go down and not by a little but by a lot."

This evidence is particularly powerful because it requires no new laws and no confiscation of firearms. It works within the current political reality. As Schasfoort puts it, "Rather than focusing on taking away guns, which seems politically impossible in the US, they focused on reducing the chances a fight or argument would lead to an emotionally charged violent outburst."

Cognitive Interventions

Beyond physical changes, Schasfoort explores behavioral interventions designed to help individuals manage their own impulses. He highlights the "Becoming a Man" (BAM) program, which uses cognitive behavioral techniques to teach young men how to slow down and evaluate situations before reacting. The goal is to expand that critical "10-minute window" of decision-making.

The author argues that these programs address the irrationality of human behavior directly. "The overwhelming share of murders stem from arguments," Schasfoort writes, emphasizing that successful studies focus on preventing the escalation of these arguments. By teaching social cognitive skills, these interventions help participants recognize the "tiny windows of impulsive reactive decision-making" and choose a different path. This approach shifts the focus from punishing bad actors to equipping vulnerable individuals with the tools to de-escalate their own emotions.

The way to think about this is like gun violence is equal to guns plus violence. So, gun availability matters, but so does the willingness of people to use guns to hurt one another.

Bottom Line

Schasfoort's strongest contribution is his ability to decouple the conversation about gun violence from the polarized debate over gun ownership, offering a third path grounded in behavioral science and urban design. While the argument relies heavily on the assumption that most violence is impulsive rather than premeditated, the empirical evidence from Philadelphia and the BAM program provides a compelling, actionable alternative to the status quo. The biggest vulnerability lies in the scalability of these interventions; cleaning lots and funding counseling programs requires sustained local investment, which may be difficult to replicate in every high-crime area. Nevertheless, the piece succeeds in proving that we do not need to wait for a political miracle to save lives.

Sources

How scientists radically reduced US gun violence

by Joeri Schasfoort · Money & Macro · Watch video

America has a massive gun violence problem. Compared to other wealthy countries, the US murder rate is extremely high and behind most of these deaths is the bullet trigger. The obvious solution is then to ban guns, but >> We have the right to bear arms. My name is Mel Bernstein and they call me the most armed man in America.

I have over 4,000 weapons in my name, over 200 machine guns, flamethrowers and everything I have is legal. >> Yeah, this is unlikely to happen. Luckily, I have some good news. Social scientists have recently conducted extensive experiments that confirm that US gun violence can actually be drastically reduced without banning guns.

Take this remarkable study from the University of Pennsylvania. They tried something almost absurdly simple. Working with the city of Philadelphia, they mapped tens of thousands of vacant lots scattered across its neighborhoods. Then they randomly selected around 550 lots and cleaned them up, trimming the grass, removing the trash and clearing the broken bottles and needles.

These spaces went from abandoned wastelands to >> >> usable open community space. This simple change turned out to be a game-changer. After just 1 year, the neighborhood with restored lots experienced powerful shifts. People reported feeling safer, crime dropped and even gun violence fell by nearly 30%.

30% no extra policing, no gun confiscations, no lifting entire communities out of poverty, just a small change in the physical environment. But why would a clean a lot lower the chance of someone pulling a trigger? To answer that question, we spoke with Chicago Professor Jens Ludwig, one of the leading researchers on gun violence. In his book Unforgiving Places, he argues that most people fundamentally misunderstand the nature of violent behavior.

For decades, we've treated violence as a rational cost-benefit decision, but a deeper analysis of the motives for homicides reveal that only 20% of homicides are people being killed for a specific goal, things like shooting someone for revenge or trying to take their wallet. In contrast, almost 80% of homicides in Chicago arise not from such moments of calculated criminal intent, but rather from fights or arguments that escalated beyond control. In other words, most shootings by far happen in short bursts of emotion, tiny windows of impulsive reactive decision-making. >> Gun violence comes from these 10-minute windows.

We've historically spent enormous sums of money trying to ...