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Image problems

Sara Ahmed delivers a searing critique of how modern institutions and governments reframe mass violence as a public relations crisis rather than a moral catastrophe. The piece's most arresting claim is that the refusal to acknowledge genocide is not an accident of ignorance, but a deliberate strategy of "image management" where the act of revealing truth is treated as the actual crime. For busy readers tracking the geopolitical fallout in the Middle East, this offers a crucial lens: the silence from Western capitals is not neutrality, but an active effort to curate a narrative that protects the perpetrator's reputation.

The Architecture of Denial

Ahmed begins by dissecting a chilling moment where an Israeli officer admits that no Palestinian in Gaza can be considered innocent. She notes that this admission, often buried in an aside, reveals the core logic of the campaign: "No-one in Gaza is treated as 'innocent.' There are no civilians, no human beings with rights, only military targets." The author argues that this dehumanization is the prerequisite for the current destruction, yet it is systematically ignored by allies who prefer the official version of a "humane army." This framing is effective because it bypasses the debate over specific tactical decisions to expose the underlying ideological framework that renders an entire population expendable.

Image problems

The commentary suggests that this denial is a form of self-preservation for the perpetrators. As Ahmed writes, "Genociders never think of themselves as committing genocide. They can and will and do describe themselves as motivated by a moral purpose, concerned with protecting a nation or a race or a religion or civilisation itself." By framing their actions as self-defense, the administration and its allies transform mass murder into a virtue. Critics might argue that this perspective ignores the genuine security threats that initiated the conflict, yet Ahmed's point stands that the response to those threats has escalated into a total erasure of civilian life, a distinction that is often lost in political rhetoric.

When the story begins "secondly," the reactions to violence end up being what is seen, the object of suspicion and surveillance.

Ahmed draws on the work of Palestinian poet Mourid Barghouti to explain how the narrative is skewed. The story of the violence starts with the events of October 7, effectively erasing the decades of colonial occupation that preceded it. "You start with the reaction to that violence, that structure, not event," she explains. This structural amnesia allows the executive branch to justify the destruction of Gaza as a defensive necessity, turning mere existence into a vice. The argument here is potent: by controlling the timeline, the powerful control the moral judgment of the world.

The Burden of Proof on the Victim

The piece shifts to the impossible conditions placed on Palestinian grief. Ahmed cites the experience of Ahmed Alnaouq, a journalist who lost twenty-one family members, who felt compelled to state he did not hate Jewish people to be heard. "Ahmed had shared on social media that he does not hate Jewish People," Ahmed recounts, noting how this apology becomes a "subclause of the main point" of his tragedy. The author argues that for Palestinians, dignity is conditional on suppressing rage and distancing themselves from their own history of loss.

This dynamic forces victims to become "bookkeepers" of their own suffering. As Sara Saleh is quoted, "Every Palestinian I know is forced to become a bookkeeper. One day, our receipts will come in handy." The commentary highlights the absurdity of this demand: to be recognized as human, one must pass a test of inhumanity enacted against them. "When even speaking of what is 'yours' will be heard as aggression?" Ahmed asks. This is a powerful indictment of the double standard where the victim's reaction is scrutinized more heavily than the perpetrator's action.

The administration's response to this scrutiny is to treat the visibility of the violence as the problem. Ahmed describes a university case where police brutality was framed not as a failure of security, but as a "polemical climate" caused by the video footage itself. "The imagery became even more vivid when one student began to bleed. All of these elements created a polemical climate that needs to be rectified," she quotes from the report. The institution's solution was not to stop the violence, but to manage the image of it. This logic, Ahmed argues, is now being applied on a global scale to the war in Gaza.

The Weaponization of Perception

The final section of Ahmed's work connects these institutional tactics to the suppression of truth in the media. She points to the BBC's decision to drop a documentary about doctors under attack, a move the producer admitted was made to act as a "PR person" for the British government and Israel. "If truth were a person, truth would be called a terrorist," she writes. The argument is that the suppression of footage is not about safety, but about protecting the reputation of the state committing the violence.

Ahmed contrasts this with the dismissal of activists as "performative." She highlights actor Khalid Abdalla's rebuttal to the label, noting that bringing aid to starving people is a tangible action, while the government's empty rhetoric is the true performance. "No it is not performative," Abdalla stated. "Going there, and carrying stuff on your boat, and trying to pierce through, that's an action." The author concludes that the real outrage is not at the starvation, but at the disruption of the narrative. "The government and mainstream media in the UK are more outraged by people who say no to genocide than by the state committing it."

Critics might suggest that focusing on the "image problem" distracts from the complex geopolitical realities of the region, but Ahmed's evidence suggests that the image is the reality for those in power. If the violence is not seen, it is treated as if it does not exist. The refusal to broadcast the full extent of the destruction is a political choice that enables the continuation of the killing.

When a problem becomes an image problem, so much is obscured. We can be asked to be the obscurant.

Bottom Line

Sara Ahmed's analysis is a necessary intervention that exposes the mechanics of how modern genocide is sustained: by treating the revelation of truth as a public relations threat. The piece's greatest strength is its ability to link institutional diversity failures with state-level violence, showing that the refusal to see whiteness or violence is the same mechanism. Its vulnerability lies in its unyielding focus on the perpetrator's psychology, which, while accurate, may offer little comfort to those seeking immediate policy solutions. Readers should watch for how Western governments continue to prioritize diplomatic optics over humanitarian law in the coming months, as the pressure to "rectify the climate" will only intensify.

Sources

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A British journalist ended an in-depth piece, “Israel is accused of the gravest war crimes - how governments respond could haunt them for years to come,” by detailing a conversation he had with an Israeli officer.

“He started telling me how they did their best not to fire on Palestinian civilians. Then he trailed off, and paused, and told me no-one in Gaza could be innocent because they all supported Hamas.”

The truth can be lodged in an aside, when the officer trails off, pauses, it comes out.

The official version of what Israel is doing in Gaza, much parroted by the Israel state and its allies, is of a humane army doing what it can not to kill civilians. But the truth? No one is Gaza is treated as “innocent.” There are no civilians, no human beings with rights, only military targets. They are all Hamas; all terrorists. Anyone who speaks for Palestinian freedom? They are all Hamas; all terrorists.

We have heard such sentiments expressed so often it can be a struggle to ensure they remain audible.

To say no. Not normalise them.

In that aside is the genocidal intent: you treat human beings who reside there not as people who exist but as threats to existence.

We can only shout. To hear what they say, shout.

NO-ONE IN GAZA COULD BE INNOCENT

THEY HAVE A RIGHT TO KILL AND TO STARVE EVERYONE IN GAZA

THAT IS WHAT THEY ARE DOING

AIDED BY ALLIES

OUR GOVERNMENT

GENOCIDE AS SELF-DEFENCE

Genociders never think of themselves as committing genocide. They can and will and do describe themselves as motivated by a moral purpose, concerned with protecting a nation or a race or a religion or civilisation itself. They keep affirming their right to exist and demand other actors affirm that right as if any and every of their actions is an expression of that right to exist.

By presenting all of their actions (even in advance of being committed) as self-defence, genocide is treated as virtuous.

Yes, one can speak of virtuous genociders. How the genociders live with themselves.

Colonisers too (as Fanon taught), smug with virtue, high on “Western culture,” as if stealing land and people is spreading civilisation, smooth; like butter on bread.

Palestinian poet Mohammed El-Kurd, in his devastatingly brilliant book Perfect Victims, writes of how Palestinians are under perpetual scrutiny. Even in grief, or especially in ...