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At least five interesting things: Debunking the debunkers edition

Noah Smith delivers a rare, data-driven reality check on three of the most polarizing policy debates of our time, stripping away the wishful thinking that often clouds discussions on welfare, education, and online radicalization. In an era where narratives are often driven by ideology rather than evidence, Smith's willingness to admit when the data contradicts his own hopes makes this analysis essential listening for anyone trying to understand the actual mechanics of society.

The Limits of Cash and the Roots of Crime

Smith begins by confronting a cherished progressive ideal: the notion that unconditional cash transfers are a silver bullet for social ills. While he maintains that giving money to the poor is morally right and reduces poverty, he argues that the broader societal benefits many expected simply aren't materializing. He points to a 2025 study by Aaltonen, Kaila, and Nix regarding a Finnish basic income experiment, which found that removing the fear of losing benefits did not significantly increase labor participation.

At least five interesting things: Debunking the debunkers edition

"Unfortunately, though, there wasn't much impact on labor income relative to the control group," Smith writes, highlighting the disappointing lack of incentive for the unemployed to re-enter the workforce even when the financial penalty for working was removed. The study's most startling finding, however, concerns public safety. Smith notes that despite the hope that alleviating financial desperation would curb criminal behavior, the data showed no such effect.

"We'd like to tell ourselves that poverty is the root of crime, but in the short term, that's not the case — giving people more money doesn't make them less criminal, at least in Finland."

Smith emphasizes that the experiment showed no statistically significant reduction in crime perpetration or victimization. In fact, the data hinted at a slight, non-significant increase in criminal suspicion among the treatment group. This challenges the simplistic economic model where money alone solves complex sociological problems. Critics might argue that two years is too short a timeframe to see deep structural changes in behavior, but Smith's point stands: the immediate correlation between cash and reduced crime is far weaker than advocates claim. The root causes of criminality appear to be deeper than a lack of disposable income.

The Mississippi Miracle: Data vs. Selection Bias

Shifting to education, Smith tackles the "Mississippi Miracle," the state's dramatic rise in fourth-grade reading scores. He revisits his own previous optimism, which attributed the success to a blend of phonics instruction and a policy of holding struggling students back. However, he now engages with a sharp critique from statistician Andrew Gelman, who suggests the gains are merely an artifact of "selection bias"—removing the lowest-performing students from the testing pool.

Smith acknowledges the logic of the critique: "If you don't let them pass to a higher grade, you're gonna see higher average scores among the students who do take the test." Yet, he dismantles the conclusion that this explains away the entire phenomenon. He argues that the critics, including a recent paper by Wainer, Grabovsky, and Robinson, fundamentally misunderstand how the retention policy works in practice. The held-back students do not vanish; they repeat the grade and take the test a year later.

"A student that repeats the third grade does not conveniently vanish off the face of the earth. They just … take third grade again, and then they move on to fourth grade."

Smith marshals evidence from decile data to show that improvements occurred across the entire spectrum of student performance, not just at the bottom. He notes that the gains began before the retention policy was fully implemented and have persisted, suggesting that the teaching reforms themselves are the primary driver. This defense of the Mississippi model is compelling because it relies on the actual mechanics of the school system rather than a theoretical statistical model. However, a counterargument worth considering is whether the retention policy, even if not the sole cause, creates a temporary distortion that inflates the perceived success of the curriculum changes. Still, Smith's insistence that the data shows genuine improvement across all student levels is a crucial correction to the narrative that the miracle is entirely fake.

The Manufactured Rise of Extremism

The final section turns to the digital ecosystem, examining the sudden surge in influence of Nick Fuentes, a figure associated with antisemitism and ethno-nationalism. Smith analyzes a report by the Network Contagion Research Institute (NCRI) which suggests that Fuentes's popularity is not organic but the result of coordinated manipulation. The report found that a vast majority of early engagement on his posts came from anonymous accounts, many of which were located in foreign countries like India, Nigeria, and Pakistan.

"According to NCRI, Fuentes's apparent rise was driven by coordinated manipulation of online platforms, artificial engagement meant to boost his posts, and an information ecosystem in which major media outlets can be misled into thinking a fringe figure is suddenly influential."

Smith warns against the complacency that might arise from this revelation. Just because the initial boost was artificial does not mean the movement is harmless. He points out that once a fringe figure gets a foothold in the media, the momentum can become real, regardless of its origins. The fact that nearly half of the retweets on his most viral posts came from foreign accounts raises serious questions about who is funding this amplification and what their geopolitical goals might be. It could be foreign adversaries seeking to destabilize American discourse, or domestic actors with deep pockets trying to shift the Overton window.

"Fuentes' popularity started out fake, but it didn't entirely stay there — he got an interview with Tucker and has been covered by all the major media outlets, and his podcast soared in popularity."

This dynamic mirrors the historical resilience of certain movements; much like the Tswana people's adaptation of traditional structures to survive colonial pressures, modern extremist groups are adept at leveraging new tools to entrench themselves. The danger lies in the media's tendency to treat manufactured virality as genuine grassroots support, thereby legitimizing views that would otherwise remain on the fringes. Smith's analysis serves as a stark reminder that in the digital age, influence can be purchased, but once it is bought, the consequences are very real.

Bottom Line

Noah Smith's commentary is a masterclass in following the data where it leads, even when it contradicts personal hopes or popular narratives. The strongest part of his argument is the rigorous debunking of the idea that simple economic inputs—like cash or test-score manipulation—can solve deep-seated social problems without addressing underlying structural issues. His biggest vulnerability is the potential for his nuanced take to be co-opted by those who wish to dismiss all welfare or education reform, but his insistence on evidence-based policy remains a vital counterweight to ideological purity. Readers should watch for how these findings influence the next round of policy debates, particularly as the administration considers new welfare reforms or education standards.

"A lot of what happens in society can't easily be reduced to how much money people make."

This piece is a necessary reminder that while money and policy matter, they are not magic wands, and the path to a better society requires a clearer-eyed view of human behavior and institutional dynamics.

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At least five interesting things: Debunking the debunkers edition

by Noah Smith · Noahpinion · Read full article

I have some sad news to report: My podcast, Econ 102, is going on indefinite hiatus. Erik Torenberg, my excellent co-host, is very busy at his new job at a16z, and we weren’t able to keep up a regular schedule of podcasting. I apologize to all the fans of Econ 102!

Time permitting, Erik and I may return with more content later. And in the meantime, I am actively thinking about some other ways to deliver you voice and video content, so stay tuned.

In the meantime, here’s this week’s roundup of interesting econ-related stuff!

1. Another “L” for basic income.

I had high hopes for the idea that just giving people cash would fix a lot of society’s problems. I still think a system of unconditional cash benefits would be simpler, fairer, and easier to navigate than many of our current welfare programs, and I still think it’s worth giving poor people money in order to make them less poor. But over the past few years, a bunch of new evidence has shown that the costs of cash giveaways are higher (in terms of incentivizing people to stop working), and the social benefits are much narrower, than boosters like myself had believed. Kelsey Piper had a great writeup of this disappointing evidence a few months ago, and I wrote up some thoughts in one of my earlier roundups.

Now we have another piece of evidence showing that cash benefits solve fewer problems than we’d like it to solve. Aaltonen, Kaila, and Nix (2025) study a recent basic income experiment in Finland. In 2017, 2000 unemployed Finnish people were randomly selected to get a change in their welfare benefits. Instead of Finland’s usual unemployment benefits, the 2000 lucky people got 2 years of cash — about $658 per month at today’s exchange rates. This allowed them to A) keep receiving cash even if they started working, and B) avoid the normal job-search requirement that comes along with unemployment benefits.

The authors find that the basic income was effective in terms of raising people’s incomes. This isn’t surprising — if you don’t stop giving unemployed people cash when they get a job, they’re going to get more money overall.

Unfortunately, though, there wasn’t much impact on labor income relative to the control group. We’d hope that if we gave people money unconditionally instead of yanking it away the moment they got ...