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Can we talk honestly?

Future Schools cuts through the noise of standard labor reporting to deliver a stark, urgent diagnosis: the survival of public education now demands that teachers abandon the safety of "business unionism" and embrace a radical, social-justice model of activism. This isn't a gentle plea for more meetings; it is a call to recognize that the erosion of workers' rights is inextricably linked to the dismantling of the social safety net, a connection that requires a level of political militancy many unions have long avoided.

The Myth of Separation

The piece opens by dismantling the comforting illusion that educators can remain neutral observers in a crumbling society. Future Schools reports, "IT'S BEEN HELL...IT'S JUST EVERYTHING AND ALL OF IT. EVERY TIME WE TURN AROUND," capturing the exhaustion of activists who see their professional duties colliding with a broader authoritarian onslaught. The argument here is that the traditional boundary between "work" and "politics" is a luxury teachers can no longer afford. The editors note that while some might argue unions should focus solely on salaries and benefits, this stance ignores the reality that student performance is dictated by factors outside the classroom, such as hunger and health.

Can we talk honestly?

The commentary draws a powerful parallel to military doctrine to make this point undeniable. Citing the US Army's stance, the article argues, "Nutrition is more than a personal choice – it's a mission-critical component." If feeding a soldier is essential to their function, the piece contends, then feeding a child is equally critical to the educational mission. This reframing is effective because it moves the debate from charity to operational necessity. However, critics might note that equating the classroom with a battlefield risks oversimplifying the complex, non-combat nature of teaching, potentially alienating moderate parents who fear union radicalization.

"We can't separate what goes on outside the school from what happens in our classrooms. Students, like teachers, are human, and when most people are hungry, tired, or sick, our minds are on their physical needs."

The Neoliberal Trap and the Rise of the Right

The article provides a sharp historical context, tracing how the bipartisan neoliberal push to privatize education and enforce standardized testing has now morphed into a more aggressive Christian-nationalist project. Future Schools observes that "the neoliberal push to undercut teachers unions... has been converted to a Christian-nationalist project by the far Right." This shift is not merely rhetorical; it represents a strategic evolution where the goal is no longer just efficiency, but the ideological restructuring of the public sphere. The piece highlights the emergence of groups like the Teacher Freedom Alliance, noting it is an "appendage of the Koch-funded Freedom Foundation" led by Ryan Walters, a figure described as a "disgraced former head of Oklahoma schools."

The editors argue that the traditional union response—capitulating to testing regimes and failing to fight privatization—has left the movement vulnerable. "AFT and its larger but politically less aggressive junior partner NEA responded to the extraordinarily powerful campaign against teachers and our unions by capitulating to neoliberal policies," the piece asserts. This critique is biting and necessary, challenging the leadership of the National Education Association and the American Federation of Teachers to admit that their strategy of incrementalism has failed. The argument suggests that the "business union" model, which isolates economic gains from social dignity, is a relic that cannot withstand the current offensive.

Democracy as a Weapon

Perhaps the most provocative section of the commentary is the call for a complete restructuring of union democracy. The piece argues that true power comes not from top-down lobbying, but from a mobilized rank-and-file that views itself as the union. "The union carries out the collective expression of what inspired us to choose work with kids and ideas," Future Schools writes, contrasting this with the "civil-service attitude" of passive compliance. The editors point to the Chicago Teachers Union as a blueprint, noting how the Caucus of Rank and File Workers (CORE) "democratized its functioning, drew on its members for strength and leadership, and embedded economic demands in a program centering racial justice."

The text goes further, suggesting that the current political moment may require actions that were previously unthinkable for mainstream labor organizations. "Now is the time to use and build that power. That means going beyond the strategies they have put forward... We need to not only consider but organize illegal actions, mass civil disobedience, including walkouts." This is a radical departure from the standard playbook of negotiation and voting. While this stance energizes the base, it carries significant risk. A counterargument worth considering is that such aggressive tactics could further alienate the very public support unions need, especially in communities where teachers are already viewed with suspicion.

"The only way for us to protect what we and our predecessors have won over the years is to demand the state and federal government change course, funding what we need by greatly increasing taxes on the super-wealthy and their sources of income."

Bottom Line

Future Schools delivers a compelling, if unsettling, verdict: the era of passive unionism is over, and the only path forward is a militant, democratic movement that fights for the entire community, not just the paycheck. The strongest part of this argument is its unflinching linkage of teacher welfare to the broader social safety net, making a moral case for political radicalism. However, its biggest vulnerability lies in the feasibility of organizing mass civil disobedience in a climate where public trust in unions is already fragile. Readers should watch to see if this rhetoric translates into the kind of grassroots mobilization the article demands, or if it remains a theoretical ideal for a movement in crisis.

Deep Dives

Explore these related deep dives:

  • Neoliberalism

    The article references 'neoliberal push' against teachers unions and public education. Understanding neoliberalism's economic philosophy—privatization, deregulation, and market-based reforms—provides essential context for why public education has faced decades of reform pressure and how these policies connect to charter schools and voucher programs.

Sources

Can we talk honestly?

“IT’S BEEN HELL...IT’S JUST EVERYTHING AND ALL OF IT. EVERY TIME WE TURN AROUND.”

This is what I’m hearing from many informed, committed, experienced preK-12 teacher union activists.

If we don’t talk honestly now when we face an authoritarian onslaught destroying our rights as citizens, residents, human beings, when will we?

A generally unspoken and highly uncomfortable truth for many activists committed to transforming teachers unions to make them fight hard and smart is the reality that we’re often in the minority when we see the need for our unions to be allies in the fight for social justice, even now, even in school systems that are under-resourced, ones in which working conditions are brutal. What seems a national malaise is challenged by important exceptions, almost always under the radar of national media, like the strike wave in Massachusetts, encouraged by a democratized NEA affiliate that’s led by reformers. Still, talking honestly demands we acknowledge persuading our colleagues to be more active in the union is an uphill slog. The reasons are not likely to evaporate soon. They’re ingrained in how schools organize our work and the way teaching is viewed in the society, as well as how unions function in our economic system - topics that go well beyond this article.

Examining reasons many education workers ignore their unions explains much of the problem, and for many experienced activists, a frustration. Teaching is far more than a 9-5 job even if you try to set boundaries. We have more to accomplish during school hours than is possible. The hierarchy in schools, our lack of voice, can be enervating, and finding ways to assert our knowledge and judgment, do what we know is needed, makes our work even more stressful. Union activity comes on top of school work. And if we want better unions, union reform is yet another demand on our time and mental real estate. Many teachers also feel we must be politically active, supporting our students to thrive or survive, through community organizations or social movements. Given our need, our right to have personal lives, these demands made on educators’ time and energy, let’s flip the script and consider an expectation of union activism in this moment as the exception, not the norm. Those who do it are remarkable. You’re first-responders. Thanks and kudos. We can’t clone you but we can build the movement so others see ...