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Structuring and designing the future force

This piece cuts through the noise of routine defense updates to deliver a stark diagnosis: the U.S. military is trapped in a cycle of expensive obsolescence, fighting the last war while a peer adversary builds for the next. Defense Tech and Acquisition argues that the real threat isn't just Chinese aggression, but the "gilded fortress" of American bureaucracy that prevents adaptation. The editors suggest that without a fundamental shift in how the Pentagon budgets and buys, the U.S. risks losing a future conflict before the first shot is fired.

The Trap of the Status Quo

The article opens with a chilling assessment from Pentagon war games. "Pete Hegseth said in the Pentagon's war games against China, 'we lose every time.'" This admission sets a grim tone, suggesting that current strategies are not just flawed but potentially catastrophic. The piece argues that this failure stems from an "entrenched oligopoly of five large defense contractors" that pushes ever-costlier versions of the same ships and planes. The editors note that despite warnings, leaders remain "wedded to the technologies and tactics in which they made their careers."

Structuring and designing the future force

This inertia is not merely cultural; it is structural. The article highlights how Congress funnels money into programs the military doesn't even want, citing over $300 million for Humvee upgrades and $240 million for obsolete drones. "The channels through which funds flow to weapons systems are deep and difficult to reroute," the editors observe. This creates a paradox where the U.S. pours billions into the military but "doesn't know where it all goes."

Spending heavily on traditional symbols of might risks shortchanging the true sources of American strength: relentless innovation, rapid adaptability and a willingness to discard old assumptions.

Critics might argue that the "oligopoly" narrative oversimplifies the market, as the government often has few viable alternatives for complex systems. However, the piece's data on cost overruns—averaging 26% on major acquisitions between 1996 and 2010—lends weight to the claim that the current model is broken. The proposed solution involves forcing the Pentagon to experiment with market approaches and bet on startups rather than established giants.

The Command Structure Gamble

The coverage shifts to a major proposed restructuring of the Unified Combatant Commands (CCMDs). The plan involves downgrading major headquarters like CENTCOM, EUCOM, and AFRICOM under a new "U.S. International Command," while consolidating Western Hemisphere operations under "U.S. Americas Command." The stated goal is to speed up decision-making and pivot resources toward the Western Hemisphere and the Indo-Pacific.

Defense Tech and Acquisition presents a sharp counter-argument to this consolidation. "Some have equated their roles to that of a Roman proconsul which Rome had 28 of across its provinces," the editors write, invoking the historical precedent to illustrate the complexity of managing global equities. They warn that creating a single command covering "over 36 million square miles and 125 countries" is a recipe for inefficiency. "The complexity of global relations requires a combatant commander... to be part diplomat, part warrior, part strategist and part technologist," the piece argues, suggesting that centralization could dilute these critical relationships.

Conversely, the article acknowledges the counterpoint that this is a "bold and necessary pivot." With EUCOM holding 100,000 troops and AFRICOM a mere 2,000, the current distribution is seen by some as a misallocation of resources against a rising threat in the Indo-Pacific. The editors note that the National Security Strategy emphasizes the Western Hemisphere, yet NORTHCOM and SOUTHCOM operate with only 2,700 personnel combined. The tension here is between the need for global diplomatic nuance and the urgent demand for concentrated firepower in specific theaters.

The Drone Delusion and the Drone Reality

Perhaps the most provocative section challenges the prevailing narrative that the U.S. must simply mass-produce cheap drones to match the lessons of Ukraine. "America's Drone Delusion: Why the Lessons of Ukraine Don't Apply to a Conflict with China," the editors headline. They argue that the attritional, land-centric nature of the Ukraine war is a poor model for a potential conflict with China, which would be "predominantly in the air and at sea."

The piece points out that while Ukraine has seen millions of small quadcopters, Russia's most effective tool has been heavy glide bombs delivered by fighter-bombers. "In sharp contrast to the operational conditions in Ukraine... success for the U.S. would depend on the ability to rapidly and repeatedly bring decisive airborne and maritime firepower to bear," the article states. This reframes the drone debate: it is not about quantity of small swarms, but the integration of larger, more capable unmanned systems with traditional air and sea power.

The "Replicator" initiative, now rebranded as DAWG, reflects this shift, focusing on "fielding larger attack drones" rather than just cheap expendables. The editors caution that assuming a simple transfer of tactics from a land war to a maritime theater is a strategic error that could leave U.S. forces overmatched.

Accountability and the Path Forward

The article concludes with a look at potential executive actions to rein in defense contractors. The proposed executive order would restrict dividends and share buybacks for companies that exceed budgets by more than 5% or miss deadlines by six months. "This level of governance from the White House would certainly be unprecedented," the editors note. It signals a shift from accepting cost overruns as a cost of doing business to imposing real financial consequences.

Simultaneously, the "US Tech Force" initiative aims to recruit elite engineers to tackle defense challenges, bridging the gap between Silicon Valley innovation and government bureaucracy. The Senate's passage of the FY26 NDAA with acquisition reform elements suggests a legislative willingness to address these issues, even as the Pentagon continues to fail its annual financial audits.

The problem starts with Congress. The proposed 2026 defense budget is loaded with pork for unnecessary programs.

The piece ends on a note of cautious optimism, acknowledging that while the bureaucracy is the "hardest to overcome," there are signs of change. The Army's cancellation of the M10 Booker tank is cited as a positive step, and the new "Army Western Hemisphere Command" signals a tangible shift in focus. However, the editors warn that without a fundamental change in mindset, these structural tweaks may not be enough.

Bottom Line

Defense Tech and Acquisition delivers a necessary, if uncomfortable, critique of the U.S. defense establishment, arguing that the greatest risk to national security is internal stagnation rather than external aggression. The piece's strongest argument is its rejection of the "drone delusion," correctly identifying that a maritime conflict with China requires different tools than a land war in Eastern Europe. Its biggest vulnerability lies in the political feasibility of dismantling the entrenched contractor-congressional complex it describes; while the diagnosis is sharp, the cure requires a level of political will that has historically been in short supply. Readers should watch closely for the implementation of the proposed executive order on contractor penalties, as it will be the true test of whether the administration is willing to break the cycle of waste.

Deep Dives

Explore these related deep dives:

  • Roman consul

    The article explicitly compares combatant commanders to Roman proconsuls, noting Rome had 28 across its provinces. Understanding the actual role, powers, and span of control of Roman provincial governors provides historical context for evaluating whether modern military command structures are appropriately sized.

  • Unified combatant command

    The article discusses major proposed restructuring of CCMDs including CENTCOM, EUCOM, AFRICOM, INDOPACOM, and others. Understanding the history, legal basis under Goldwater-Nichols, and evolution of the unified command structure would help readers evaluate whether the proposed consolidation is truly unprecedented or follows historical patterns.

  • Military–industrial complex

    The article critiques the 'entrenched oligopoly of five large defense contractors' and Congressional pork spending on programs DoD didn't request. Eisenhower's original warning and the concept's evolution provides essential historical and theoretical framework for understanding these acquisition reform arguments.

Sources

Structuring and designing the future force

Welcome to the latest edition of Defense Tech and Acquisition.

Major shakeups planned for CCMDs and defense primes.

Senate passes the NDAA and the President signed it into law.

New strategies and tech to adapt and scale against China aggression.

The Army has a new hypersonic missile and seeks vendor IP

The Navy announces first PAE, RCO details, and a new frigate.

The Air Force pursues CCA Inc 2 - with no requirements.

Space Force rationalizing acq/ops and going alone in GEO.

Golden Dome gets AI help from former CDAO chief.

China threat brief continues to show carrier vulnerability.

Overmatched.

The NYT did a 3-part series on the potential conflict between the U.S. and China and our likely preparedness for that level of protracted warfare. Below is a short summary of those pieces.

Why the U.S. Military Needs to Reinvent Itself

This Is the 21st-Century Arms Race. Can America Keep Up?

America Pours Billions Into the Military. We Don’t Know Where It All Goes.

Summary Points

Pete Hegseth said in the Pentagon’s war games against China, “we lose every time.”

When a senior Biden official received a China brief in 2021, he realized that “every trick we had up our sleeve, the Chinese had redundancy after redundancy.”

The assessment shows the Pentagon’s overreliance on expensive, vulnerable weapons as adversaries field cheap, technologically advanced ones.

It is an ancient and familiar pattern. Despite ample warnings, leaders trained in one set of assumptions, tactics and weapons fail to adapt to change.

A strong America has been crucial to a world in which freedom and prosperity are far more common than at nearly any other point in human history.

One reason is inertia in Congress and the Pentagon. The channels through which funds flow to weapons systems are deep and difficult to reroute.

An entrenched oligopoly of five large defense contractors wants to sell the Pentagon ever-costlier evolutions of the same ships, planes and missiles.

Another factor is military culture. Senior officers tend to be wedded to the technologies and tactics in which they made their careers.

There is also a conceptual failure: the idea that more sophisticated is always better - with systems that are bespoke, complex and wildly expensive.

In the short term, the transformation of the American military may require additional spending, primarily to rebuild our industrial base.

Ultimately, a stronger U.S. national security depends less on enormous new budgets ...