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Jennifer c. Pan: Selling social justice

The DEI Industry Has No Standards—And That's Exactly Why It Works for Corporations"

Jennifer Pan argues that the diversity, equity, and inclusion movement has been co-opted by the very institutions it was meant to critique—and the data on what actually works for Black workers tells a surprising story.

Jennifer c. Pan: Selling social justice

The Industry Nobody Regulates

Diversity, equity, and inclusion has existed since the 1960s. But unlike most industries, there's no federal oversight, no standardized guidelines, and literally anyone can claim to be a DEI consultant. Estimates put the industry somewhere between $3 billion and $8 billion annually—and some projections suggest it could reach $15 billion by 2026.

To put that in perspective: the NLRB, the federal agency overseeing workplace law for every American worker, had a budget of just under $300 million last year.

This lack of oversight means corporations have enormous discretion over what counts as anti-discrimination. When federal courts handle discrimination cases, they often look to corporate "best practices" rather than any external standard—giving businesses effective control over defining what equality looks like in their own workplaces.

What Actually Works

Pan makes a counterintuitive argument: universal social democratic programs did more for Black economic advancement than targeted anti-discrimination efforts. During the period known as the Great Compression—from roughly 1940 to 1970—the wage gap between Black and White workers shrank more than at any other time in American history. This occurred largely before the 1964 Civil Rights Act, while Jim Crow was still legally enforced.

The economic floor was rising for everyone. Black people saw tremendous upward mobility during this period—not because of civil rights law, but because universal programs like the New Deal created an expanding economic floor that lifted all boats.

A concrete example: when a friend moved to Europe and encountered what they described as a "grotesque" caricature of a Black person in a local bar, the country still has a national health service. The average life expectancy for a Black person in that unnamed European country is 12 years longer than in the United States.

The material cost of hyperfocus on interpersonal racism rather than redistribution of wealth causes people to die sooner.

This suggests that focusing exclusively on individual discrimination misses the structural barriers that affect entire populations.

The New Deal Wasn't What You Heard

One of Pan's more controversial claims: the New Deal wasn't racist. While it's true that domestic and agricultural workers were excluded from Social Security protections, those workers were predominantly white—75% of agricultural workers under the original legislation were white. If the program was designed to lock Black people out, it did so by excluding a majority-white workforce.

The exclusions came partly from Southern Democrats in the coalition, but equally from business lobbies that thought tracking hours for precarious workers would be too cumbersome. This doesn't fit the narrative that Social Security was designed as a whites-only program—but it's a more complicated story than activists on both sides often tell.

How Corporations Actually Use DEI

McKenzie reports show that between 2020 and 2022, corporations and the financial sector together donated $340 billion to what they called "racial equity programs." Much of this money went to undefined initiatives—affordable housing, small business support for entrepreneurs of color, or untraceable "racial justice" charities.

But here's what's revealing: these corporations have no obligation to implement meaningful structural change. They can simply donate to causes with no public accountability about where funds actually go. The public has no say over how this money is spent.

Pan argues that DEI programs frequently double as union-busting tools. Many employer-side labor law firms now offer a DEI package alongside their union suppression services—and often bundle them at a discount. Companies can claim they're committed to racial justice while simultaneously undermining the one institution that has historically fought for working-class power.

The Political Consequences

Did woke help put Trump in office? Pan argues yes—but perhaps not in the way Democrats expect.

The parties have converged on economics while diverging on culture. Bill Clinton took the Democratic Party economically right: welfare reform, NAFTA, deregulation of banks and telecommunications. This neoliberal project hollowed out manufacturing jobs and outsourced work.

Today, the most salient differences between Republicans and Democrats aren't economic—they're cultural. The Democrats' focus on DEI and identity politics created a vacuum where economic populism once lived. And that space has been filled by Trump-style nationalism.

When you think about how the Democrats differ from the Republicans, it's on issues like abortion, race, immigration, climate—not economics.

This leaves working-class voters without an economic message from either party—and makes them vulnerable to cultural appeals from the right.

Counterarguments

Critics might note that dismissing interpersonal racism understates its real effects. Discrimination in hiring, policing, and healthcare creates tangible harms that material redistribution alone cannot address. And some evidence suggests DEI programs do improve workplace representation for marginalized groups—though whether those gains translate to actual power or just better PR is another question.

Pan acknowledges anti-discrimination law remains necessary—just insufficient on its own.

Bottom Line

The strongest part of this argument is the historical data: universal programs consistently outperformed targeted interventions for Black economic advancement. The vulnerability lies in how easily corporations have co-opted DEI language without meaningful accountability—making the movement itself a tool for maintaining power structures rather than challenging them. The industry's lack of oversight isn't a bug in the system; it's become a feature that corporations have exploited masterfully.

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Jennifer c. Pan: Selling social justice

by Doom Scroll · Doom Scroll · Watch video

Every Fortune 500 company has a DEI office, DEI officers, some sort of DEI programs in place. Something that I discuss in my book is that it could also be going to union busters. They will help a company do some union busting, but at the same time, they'll also offer them a DEI package. Do you get a discount?

Exactly. Yeah. If you bundle the two services, even if you don't buy all of that and you think, corporations, no, no, no, no, it was co-optation. Why was it so easy for them to hijack or to co-opt this supposedly grassroots movement?

D EI sometimes just belonging. I've seen Jedi, J E D I justice like Star Wars. Listen Josh, I'm only telling you what I've seen. Did woke help to put Trump in office?

Welcome to Doomscroll. I'm your host Joshua Cinderella. My guest is Jennifer Pan, a writer whose work has appeared in The Nation, Descent, The Atlantic, and Damage Magazine. She was formerly a host of the Jacaban show and a staff writer at the New Republic.

She is the author of Selling Social Justice out now from Verso Books. I think there's a hazard that if we don't talk about this, our political opponents definitely will. Yeah. And there are penalties for having these conversations.

You get either directly called out, you get punished in the workplace, you get attacked on social media. If you don't want to implement DEI everywhere, yes. What do you have as a proposal? What would you prefer instead?

universal social democratic programs. So, health care for all, a jobs guarantee, jobs for all, college for all, education for all. It sounds boring, because it is. It's just really hard to implement.

Why would we assume that universal policies would benefit black people, for example? It's basically the only thing that ever has. and that's not to say that discrimination or anti-discrimination law is not important. Clearly, it is.

but if you think about the period during which black people saw the most upward mobility during which the wage differential between black and white workers shrank the most. It's during this period that we now call the great compression right when the economic fortunes of all Americans kind of started to converge. That's the period between 1940 and 1970 roughly. So from the New Deal and post-war period up until ...