2020 in Mexico
Based on Wikipedia: 2020 in Mexico
On January 1, 2020, a single economic metric shifted the daily reality for millions of workers across Mexico, raising the minimum wage by a decisive 20 percent. The daily rate jumped from MXN $102.68 to $123.22, a sum that translated to roughly US$6.53. For President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, a figure known for his populist appeal and skepticism toward neoliberal orthodoxy, this was a tangible victory for the poor. Yet, even as the numbers climbed, the context remained stark: this new floor was still lower than the minimum wages of Brazil and Colombia, nations with comparable per capita incomes. It was a small step upward in a landscape defined by deep structural inequality, setting the tone for a year where the government's promise of a "Fourth Transformation" would collide with the violent and unpredictable realities of the nation.
The political architecture of Mexico in 2020 was dominated by López Obrador, often referred to simply as AMLO, who had taken office just over a year prior with a mandate to upend the status quo. His administration was anchored by a Supreme Court led by President Arturo Zaldívar Lelo de Larrea, who had assumed his role in January 2019. The court itself was a microcosm of the country's shifting political tides, with members like Mónica Fernández Balboa of the ruling MORENA party, who began her tenure in September 2019, standing alongside Laura Angélica Rojas Hernández of the opposition PAN party until her term ended in September, and Dulce María Sauri Riancho of the PRI, who stepped in to represent the old guard from that same month. These judicial figures were not mere bureaucrats; they were the arbiters of a nation trying to redefine its relationship with justice, corruption, and sovereignty.
The year began with a series of policy shifts that signaled a departure from previous decades. The Office for the Treasury and Public Credit (SHCP) implemented tax changes designed to bolster its revenue, a move intended to fund the social programs that were AMLO's signature. But the fiscal adjustments were merely the opening act. In the geopolitical arena, the pressure on Mexico's borders was intensifying. On January 2, Reuters reported a significant hardening of the asylum policy: Mexican citizens seeking refuge in the United States would now be sent to Guatemala. This was part of the broader "Remain in Mexico" strategy, a policy that forced asylum seekers to wait in Mexican territory while their US court cases were processed. It was a diplomatic tightrope walk, balancing international obligations with domestic political realities, and it immediately placed a strain on communities in southern Mexico.
Violence, however, remained the most persistent narrative of the year, often overshadowing policy debates. The very first femicide of 2020 was reported in Aquismón, San Luis Potosí, a grim reminder that the epidemic of violence against women showed no signs of abating. The number of women murdered daily averaged ten, a statistic that activists found both heartbreaking and infuriating, given that fewer than 10 percent of these cases were ever resolved. In response, the streets of Mexico City became a canvas for protest. On January 11, hundreds of red shoes were placed in the Zócalo, the nation's main square. Each pair represented a life lost, a silent, striking visual demand for justice that resonated far beyond the capital. The tragedy was not limited to the cities. In the prisons, the rule of law seemed to have evaporated entirely. A riot at the Cieneguillas prison in Zacatecas on January 2 left one dead, adding to the sixteen inmates killed in a separate incident just days earlier on December 31, 2019. These were not isolated brawls; they were symptoms of a penal system in collapse, where gangs often held more power than the state.
Education, the bedrock of any society, found itself under siege. In a move that sparked controversy, Secretary of Education Esteban Moctezuma proposed a new scheme for "Operativo Mochilla," or Operation Backpack. The proposal shifted the burden of security onto parents, asking them to inspect the bags of their own children and school staff to prevent the entry of guns and contraband. It was a policy that exposed the terrifying reach of organized crime into the classroom, suggesting that the state could no longer guarantee the safety of its schools. The violence had a face, and in Torreón, Coahuila, that face belonged to an eleven-year-old boy. On January 10, a teacher was killed and four others wounded in a shooting at Colegio Cervantes. The perpetrator, a child, took his own life immediately after the attack. It was a moment of national shock that forced a reevaluation of youth violence and the psychological toll of living in a society saturated with aggression. In Monterrey, Nuevo León, a different kind of terror unfolded when a 21-year-old man was arrested for using pepper spray in several stores, an act so severe it was charged as terrorism.
While the south and center grappled with social unrest, the north and west faced the volatile interplay of nature and development. On January 4, the earth shook with a magnitude 5.9 earthquake, its epicenter in Unión Hidalgo, Oaxaca. The tremors were felt across a vast expanse of territory, including Oaxaca, Chiapas, Tabasco, Veracruz, Puebla, Morelos, the State of México, and Mexico City itself. Miraculously, no damage was reported, a rare moment of grace in a year of disasters. Nature, however, was not always so forgiving. The Popocateptl volcano, looming over the central highlands, was a constant threat. In early January, it emitted a plume of smoke three kilometers high. In the preceding days, it had unleashed 155 exhalations, 198 minutes of shaking, and three earthquakes, serving as a reminder that the land itself was alive and potentially hostile.
Infrastructure projects, the physical manifestations of AMLO's vision, moved forward despite the chaos. On January 6, the President announced the start of construction for 1,350 branches of the Banco de Bienestar, or "Social Assistance Bank." This network was designed to bypass traditional banking hurdles and deliver social payments directly to the poor. Simultaneously, a massive digital expansion was launched: "Internet for All," a project under the Federal Electricity Commission (CFE). With a proposed budget of MXN $3 billion (US$159 million) for the year and a target completion date of 2022, the initiative aimed to bridge the digital divide, bringing connectivity to the most remote corners of the country. These projects were ambitious, intended to modernize the nation's backbone, but they were also fraught with challenges. The Dos Bocas refinery in Paraíso, Tabasco, was a case in point. On January 13, China announced that two of its banks would lend US$600 million for the construction of the facility. Energy Secretary Rocío Nahle clarified that while the refinery would be built with public funds, contractors were permitted to borrow from China or other nations. It was a strategic pivot, leveraging international capital to achieve national energy sovereignty, a goal that had eluded Mexico for decades.
Cultural heritage also found itself in the crosshairs of the year's events. The National Institute of Anthropology and History (INAH) launched a legal battle on January 11 to stop the auction of 28 Mexican archaeological treasures by the French auctioneer "Millon de París," scheduled for January 22. The stakes were high; these artifacts were not merely objects but pieces of the nation's soul. The Secretariat of Foreign Affairs (SRE) prepared to ask the French government to intervene, turning a cultural dispute into a diplomatic crisis. The government's stance was clear: Mexico's history would not be sold off to the highest bidder abroad. This fight for patrimony mirrored the broader struggle for national identity, a theme that ran through the year's political discourse.
The social fabric was further tested by regional disparities and political maneuvering. A poll released by Arias Consultores on January 8 ranked the performance of state governors, creating a barometer of public sentiment. Quirino Ordaz Coppel of Sinaloa was crowned the best governor, while L. Miguel Barbosa Huerta of Puebla was named the worst. These rankings were not just academic; they reflected the varying degrees of trust citizens placed in their local leaders. Meanwhile, Mexico assumed the role of president pro tempore of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, a position that required the country to navigate complex regional dynamics and assert its leadership in the hemisphere.
The year was also marked by moments of personal tragedy that rippled through the national consciousness. On January 12, President López Obrador met with members of the LeBaron family in Bavispe, Sonora. The LeBarons, a Mormon community, had suffered a horrific massacre in 2019, and AMLO promised to erect a monument in La Mora, Sonora, to honor the nine family members killed. The meeting was fraught with tension, as protesters accused Julián LeBarón of stealing land and water, highlighting the deep-seated conflicts over resources and territory that often underpinned violence in the region. It was a stark illustration of how personal grief and political promise could collide in the public square.
Public health and social welfare remained central concerns. Governor Enrique Alfaro Ramírez of Jalisco announced that his state would not participate in the Instituto de Salud para el Bienestar (Insabi), the Institute of Health for Welfare. This decision underscored the friction between the federal government's centralized health initiatives and the autonomy of the states. In the capital, Mexico City took a bold environmental step on January 11 by imposing a ban on plastic bags, a move aimed at reducing pollution and encouraging sustainable practices. It was a small victory in the global war on plastic, but it signaled a growing awareness of environmental issues among the urban populace.
The fight against obesity also came to the forefront, though the approach was controversial. On January 9, AMLO promised that the nation would combat obesity through a nutrition campaign rather than new taxes. This was a departure from the policies of previous administrations, which had relied heavily on levies on sugary drinks and junk food. The President's stance was rooted in a belief that education and cultural change were more effective than fiscal penalties, a philosophy that would be tested throughout the year as the nation grappled with one of the highest obesity rates in the world.
As the year progressed, the shadow of the pandemic began to loom, though the specific details of the global crisis were just beginning to emerge in the context of Mexico's unique challenges. The events of early 2020 laid the groundwork for a year of profound disruption. The minimum wage increase, the expansion of social banking, the struggle for digital inclusion, and the relentless fight against violence all painted a picture of a nation in transition. It was a time of contradictions: a government that promised peace while battling cartels, a judiciary that sought to restore order while facing internal corruption, and a society that demanded justice while grappling with the trauma of loss.
The narrative of 2020 in Mexico was not one of a single, linear story, but a mosaic of disparate events that together defined the era. From the smoke of Popocateptl to the red shoes in the Zócalo, from the ruins of a school shooting to the construction of a new refinery, the year was a testament to the resilience and fragility of the Mexican state. The events were documented, factual, and undeniable, forming a historical record that would be studied for years to come. They were the building blocks of a new chapter in Mexico's history, written in the ink of crisis and the hope of transformation.
The year ended as it began, with the nation poised on the edge of change. The policies implemented in January would be tested by the storms to come. The promises of AMLO would be weighed against the realities of governance. The violence would continue to claim its victims, but so too would the activists continue their march for justice. In the end, 2020 was a year that stripped away the illusions of stability and forced Mexico to confront its deepest challenges head-on. It was a year that proved that the past could not be easily rewritten, but that the future, however uncertain, was still being written by the people themselves.