Saudi Arabia–United States relations

Based on Wikipedia: Saudi Arabia–United States relations

On February 14, 1945, aboard the USS Quincy, President Franklin D. Roosevelt met with King Abdulaziz Al Saud—the man who had unified the Arabian Peninsula into a nation—and discussed something far more consequential than the oil beneath their feet. They talked about security, the creation of a Jewish homeland in Palestine, and the construction of American airfields on Saudi soil. Five months later, World War II ended. By then, the seeds of an alliance that would shape geopolitics for nearly a century had already been planted.

The relationship between the United States and Saudi Arabia did not begin with grand declarations or monumental treaties. It began small—almost accidentally—in May 1931, when America extended full diplomatic recognition to a kingdom that most Americans could barely find on a map. The same year, King Ibn Saud granted a concession to Standard Oil of California, allowing the company to explore for oil in the Eastern Province's al-Hasa. A treaty signed in November of that year established favored nation status, though the relationship remained tenuous. American diplomats were too distracted by other concerns to establish missions directly in Riyadh; Saudi affairs were handled from Cairo.

The Oil and the Sword

The trade between these two nations has always revolved around two central concepts: security and oil. In 1950, Aramco and Saudi Arabia agreed on a 50/50 profit distribution of the discovered oil. Two years later—in 1951—the Mutual Defense Assistance Agreement was formally put into action, codifying what had become obvious to both parties: the United States would provide military protection to the Kingdom in exchange for a reliable oil supply, pricing of oil in U.S. dollars, and support for American foreign policy.

This was the bargain that would define decades of cooperation. The U.S. has been willing to overlook some of the Kingdom's more controversial domestic and foreign policies—as long as it maintained oil production and supported American national security objectives. These aspects include Wahhabism, its human rights record, and allegations of state-sponsored terrorism.

The Cold War Foundation

As the Cold War began in earnest, the United States became deeply concerned about Soviet communism spreading within the Arabian Peninsula. Saudi security rose to the top of Washington's list of priorities. The Truman administration promised Ibn Saud protection from Soviet influence, and as a result, the U.S. increased its presence in the region—greatly strengthening the security relationship between the two nations.

The alliance deepened significantly after the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979. Both countries jointly supported Afghan resistance militias during the 1980s—a proxy war that would later have unforeseen consequences.

The Gulf War and Its Aftermath

The Gulf War from 1990 to 1991 marked a high point in the Saudi-American relationship. Together with the United Kingdom, both countries led an international military coalition in response to Iraq's invasion of Kuwait. It was one of those rare moments when strategic interests aligned perfectly with moral clarity.

But disagreements have always lurked beneath the surface. Disputes over Israel, the 1973 oil embargo, the 2003 U.S.-led invasion of Iraq, the "war on terror," and Saudi influence after the September 11 attacks have all tested the alliance. In recent years, particularly since the Barack Obama administration, the relationship became strained and witnessed a major decline.

The Khashoggi Crisis

In May 2017, the Trump administration strengthened Saudi-U.S. relations when the President visited the Kingdom as his first international trip—a clear signal of restored warmth. But something darker was brewing.

In October 2018, Saudi dissident and Washington Post journalist Jamal Khashoggi was assassinated inside the Saudi consulate in Turkey. This became a breaking point in the relationship, causing a serious rift between the two nations. The United States sanctioned some Saudi nationals, and Congress attempted to cut off U.S. weapons sales to Saudi Arabia related to the war in Yemen. However, this was unsuccessful due to opposition from the Trump administration.

Turkish authorities and U.S. intelligence agencies concluded that the killing was ordered directly by Mohammed bin Salman, the Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia. During his election campaign, Joe Biden had pledged to make Saudi Arabia "a pariah." The Biden Administration emphasized its human rights policy as the key arbiter of the U.S. relationship with Saudi Arabia.

Diplomatic relations hit a new low after a February 2021 U.S. intelligence report accused the Crown Prince of being directly involved in the assassination of Khashoggi.

The Ukraine Test

When Russia invaded Ukraine in 2022, Saudi Arabia defied American efforts to isolate Vladimir Putin. Instead, the Kingdom strengthened its relations with Russia by coordinating to reduce oil output of OPEC countries in October 2022. This event triggered a strong backlash in the United States, with relations sinking to an "all-time low" and tensions exacerbating further.

American officials criticized Saudi Arabia for actively enabling Russians to bypass U.S.-EU sanctions and for undermining Western efforts to isolate Putin. The Kingdom also defied the United States' China containment policy—in December 2022, Saudi Arabia hosted Chinese leader Xi Jinping for a series of summits to sign a "comprehensive strategic partnership agreement" which elevated Sino-Arab relations.

However, after Trump returned to the presidency in 2025, he chose to visit the Kingdom again as his first foreign trip—while calming the friction caused by the previous administration.

The Irony of Recognition

The founder of Saudi Arabia developed close ties with the United States. After unifying his country in 1928, he set about gaining international recognition. Great Britain was the first country to recognize Saudi Arabia as an independent state—a crucial moment that made everything else possible.

But there is a curious detail buried in this history: during World War II, Italy—an Axis power—bombed a CASOC oil installation in Dhahran and crippled Saudi Arabia's oil production. This attack left Ibn Saud scrambling to find an external power that would protect the country. He feared that further attacks would cease not only the country's oil production but also the flow of pilgrims coming into Mecca to perform Hajj—the basis of Saudi power and its economy at that time.

Yet as World War II progressed, the United States began to believe that Saudi oil was of strategic importance. As a result, in the interest of national security, the U.S. began to push for greater control over the CASOC concession. On February 16, 1943, President Franklin D. Roosevelt declared that "the defense of Saudi Arabia is vital to the defense of the United States" and thereby extended the Lend-Lease program to the Kingdom.

Later that year, the president approved the creation of the state-owned Petroleum Reserves Corporation with the intent that it purchase all CASOC stock and thus gain control of Saudi oil reserves in the region. However, the plan was met with opposition and ultimately failed.

Roosevelt continued to court the government, and on February 14, 1945, he met with King Ibn Saud aboard the USS Quincy. They discussed topics such as the two countries' security relationship and the creation of a Jewish country in the Mandate of Palestine. Bin Saud approved the U.S.'s request to allow the U.S. Air Force to fly over and construct airfields in Saudi Arabia.

Oil installations were rebuilt and protected by the U.S. Pilgrimage routes were also protected, and the U.S. gained a much-needed direct route for military aircraft heading to Iran and the Soviet Union. The first American consulate was opened in Dhahran in 1944.

After World War II, Saudi citizens began to feel uncomfortable with U.S. forces still operating in Dhahran. In contrast, the Saudi government saw the U.S. forces as a major component of its military defense strategy. Ibn Saud balanced the two perspectives by changing the demands on U.S. forces as danger increased and subsided.

The Present Reality

Today, the alliance persists—but it is quieter, more transactional, and increasingly strained by fundamental disagreements about values, regional dominance, and the future of global energy markets. What began as a handshake between Roosevelt and Ibn Saud has transformed into something far more complex: a partnership that neither side can easily abandon, but which both sides questions more frequently than ever.

The relationship now encompasses everything from human rights to oil pricing to geopolitical maneuvering against Russia and China. It is no longer simply about oil and defense. It is about the shape of the Middle East, the future of international order, and whether the old bargain—American security for Saudi petroleum—still holds.